Author of Chicago’s Irish Legion: The 90th Illinois Volunteers in the Civil War and friend of the site Jim Swan has brought a fascinating artefact relating to the Irish Brigade to my attention. Jim spotted it being displayed by a vendor, The Veteran’s Attic, near Chicago. The object is a cigarette case, but one that bears an intriguing inscription. It commemorates the 33 survivors of the Irish Brigade who attended a Battle of Fredericksburg 50th anniversary dinner on 13th December, 1912. The full inscription on the case reads:

Dinner to the 33 survivors 

Of the

Irish Brigade

TENDERED BY

The 69th Infantry

In Commemoration Of

Fredericksburg

Dec. 13, 1912

Irish Brigade 50th Anniversary Fredericksburg Cigarette Case

What is the story behind this object? Where was the dinner held and who attended it? I decided to delve into some contemporary newspapers to see if any light could be shed on the proceedings.

It transpired that the dinner in question was part of a wider event in New York to commemorate the Irish Brigade’s actions at the Battle of Fredericksburg 50 years before. The venue was the armory of the 69th New York National Guard at Lexington Avenue and Twenty-fifth Street, a natural choice given the 69th’s connections to the brigade. The majority of the ‘bent and snowy haired’ survivors were able to attend, and the commemorations began with the veterans conducting a review of the 1912 version of the 69th, beneath the ‘tattered battle flags’ of the Civil War brigade. The flags had been presented by prominent citizens of New York to the brigade during the war, but by 1912 only one of these citizens, Levi P. Morton, was alive to witness the event.

The dinner itself took place at 7.30 p.m. in the same venue and was attended by no fewer than 2,000 people. The attendees filed in to take their places on the Armory floor accompanied by the strains of ‘Marching Through Georgia.’ Those survivors who were present included Col. James. J. Smith, who had been a Lieutenant-Colonel of the 69th during the war, and who had travelled from Cleveland, Ohio to attend. Although the majority of the veterans lived nearby, others had journeyed some distance included Major John Dwyer from Sandy Hill, New York, Captain E. F. O’Connor who came from Providence, Captain Henry Bates from Newburgh and Lieutenant John McGrath who came all the way from San Francisco. All of those who were in attendance were over 70 years of age.

Colonel Louis D. Conley of the 69th National Guard was the toastmaster for the meal, and the first speaker was Dr. James J. Walsh, formerly of the Faculty of Fordham University. Other speakers on the night included General George R. Dyer of the 1st Brigade, New York National Guard, William P. Larkin, Dr. John G. Coyle, Monseigneur M. L. Lavelle, J. I. C. Clarke and Captain Hugh D. Wise of the United States Army.*

The Sun reported on a portion of the speech given by Dr. John G. Coyle at the dinner:

The figures of the losses at Fredericksburg tell the story of the amazing slaughter. The Sixty-ninth regiment, within whose walls we sit to-night, had nineteen officers and 219 men going into the fight. Sixteen of the nineteen officers were killed, wounded and missing, and 112 of the 219 men, making a loss of 57 percent. The Union loss for the battle was 13,771; the Confederates but 5,400. The Irish Brigade was led by the brilliant, intrepid and eloquent Thomas Francis Meagher, who was wounded in the battle. The Sixty-ninth was led by Col. Nugent, who was wounded, his pistol shattered by the rifle ball which wounded him, thus saving his life. The green flag of the Sixty-ninth was missing after the battle and great anxiety was expressed for its fate, for the regiment had never lost a flag since it joined the brigade. The day after the battle the color sergeant was found dead sitting against a tree trunk. Near him lay the staff of the flag. Clasped to his breast was the green flag and through it had gone the bullet that struck his heart.’   

The event was widely reported in the New York and Washington newspapers. One, The Evening World, went so far as to the name the survivors in attendance and publish a photograph in their 14th December edition. The men they listed were: Thomas Ferris, Com. John F. Cleary, Capt. E. F. O’Connor, Capt. John R. Nugent, Col. J. J. Smith, Capt. John O’ Connell, Sergt. Laurence Buckley, Capt. W. L. D. O’Grady, Capt. Henry Bates, Com. John A. Butler, John F. Cronin, Major John Dwyer, Lieut. Dennis Sullivan, Com. William Bemmingham, Lieut. R. H. Birmingham, Sergt. Richard Finen, Com. R. R. Ryan, Com. William Sullivan.

The Evening World image of the Irish Brigade survivors who attended the 1912 dinner

The event provides an insight into how the memory of the charge at Fredericksburg had become the defining moment of the Irish Brigade’s wartime experience. The commemoration was clearly very important to the surviving men who attended, as it was to the 2,000 guests who gathered to honour them. One wonders what the veterans made of it all, and what memories were evoked in their minds of the fighting 50 years before. My thanks to Jim for letting me know about this object, thus allowing me to delve into the story of these 33 men, the cigarette case, and the 50th Anniversary of the Battle Fredericksburg.

*Among the other guests were John D. Crimmins, William G. MacDonald, Frank Moss, Dr. James E. Walsh, Major John F. O’Rourke, Thomas F. Smith, John J. Murphy, Patrick Gallagher and General James Rowan O’Beirne.

References

New York Times, December 15th 1912. ‘Honor the Irish Brigade’

New York Tribune, December 9th 1912. ‘Irish Brigade to Meet’

The Evening World, December 13th 1912. ‘Meagher Brigade, Only 33 Left, Recalls Big Fight’

The Evening World, December 14th 1912. ‘Survivors of the Dashing Meagher’s Brigade Who Stormed Marye’s Heights Fifty Years Ago’

The Sun, December 14th 1912. ‘In New York To-day’

The Sun, December 15th 1912. ‘Veterans of Irish Brigade Dined’

The Washington Herald, December 14th 1912. ‘Irish Veterans Hold Reunion’

Private William McCarter of the 116th Pennsylvania Infantry, Irish Brigade, is best known for his memoirs My Life in the Irish Brigade. The Irishman’s account of the Battle of Fredericksburg, in which he was wounded, is amongst the most vivid of that engagement (for an account of the 116th Pennsylvania’s experiences on that day see a previous post here). McCarter also told the story of the brigade’s fateful charge in the July 29th 1886 edition of The National Tribune. The piece was illustrated by the paper’s artist ‘Klem’, and includes a number of portrayals of the Irishmen on the day of battle that may be of interest to readers.

Officers distributing the green boxwood sprigs to the Irish Brigade at Fredericksburg (Klem, The National Tribune)

 All the regiments of the brigade are now in line on Sophia street (the first street running parallel to the river), anxiously awaiting further orders. The enemy’s shells are flying thick, dropping and exploding in every part of the city with telling effect among our troops. Gen. Meagher again rides up, this time accompanied by two Orderlies carrying quantities of green boxwood. By his orders each officer is handed a bunch, with the request to present to each man in the ranks a green sprig to place on his cap before going into battle, as an emblem of the Emerald Isle. Few, perhaps none, of the surviving members of the brigade kept, or thought of preserving, the little green sprig; but the one given to myself I can show to-day, or rather the remains of it, sealed up in a bottle, as a relic of that bloody day.

One of the Irish Brigade, replete with boxwood sprig (Klem, The National Tribune)

The Irish Brigade advance on Marye's Heights at Fredericksburg (Klem, The National Tribune)

 It was now evident that this assault, like the preceding one, would be a failure; yet our shattered and bleeding ranks held their ground, determined to fight to the last. Our cause was just, and “Irish blood was up.”

Private McCarter wounded on the field at Fredericksburg (Klem, The National Tribune)

 Next came my own turn. When in the act of ramming another cartridge home, to send it where I had sent several others- into the ranks of Cobb’s brigade, a ball struck me in the right arm near the shoulder. A stream of warm blood rushed out of the wound, saturating my clothing down to my feet, the shattered arm dropping powerless by my side, and my musket on the ground. Dizziness and partial loss of sight followed, and I fell unconcious on the field, while my more fortunate comrades as yet continued to blaze away at the foe.

References & Further Reading

McCarter William 1886. ‘Fredericksburg: As Seen by One of Meagher’s Brigade’ in The National Tribune July 29th 1886.

McCarter, William (edited by Kevin E. O’Brien) 2003. My Life in the Irish Brigade: The Civil War Memoirs of Private William McCarter, 116th Pennsylvania Infantry

Library of Congress: Chronicling America

The Fenian movement in America was extremely active before, during and immediately after the American Civil War. It recruited Irishmen with the aim of ‘striking a blow’ for Ireland when the opportunity arose. Many high profile Irish officers during the war were members, particularly in the Union ranks. Some returned to Ireland in 1866 to assist the movement in its aim of rising against British rule. Heavily infiltrated by spies, many of these men were arrested and eventually expelled from the country. During their incarceration they were photographed, and these early ‘mugshots’ provide us with a fascinating record of some of Ireland’s American Civil War veterans.

The National Archives of Ireland also hold a Fenian collection which contains images of prisoners, including some who were American Civil War veterans. However, the New York Public Library has now made a series of these mugshots available online. They were taken in Mountjoy Prison, Dublin in November 1866 and form part of the Thomas A. Larcom collection. At least 30 of the images are of Fenians who were, or claimed to be, American Civil War veterans. Thanks to the pioneering work of Michael H. Kane in his American Soldiers in Ireland, 1865-67, we have access to the histories of some of these individuals. This is what they looked like.

Michael Duffy, Lieutenant, 1st Illinois Light Artillery. Born in Milford, Co. Donegal. Enlisted in Battery L in 1862 (attached to 23rd Illinois). Recruited into the Fenians in the field (Kane 2002:120)

John Whitehead Byron, Major, 88th New York, Irish Brigade. Enlisted in 69th NYNG in 1861, wounded and captured at Ream's Station, Virginia. Prisoner at Libby and Danville (Kane 2002:117)

John Dunn, Regimental Quartermaster, 164th New York, Irish Legion. Enlisted 1862. Shot in right arm and shin, sabre blow to thigh at Cold Harbor. Captured and sent to Libby and later Charleston where he escaped (Kane 2002: 120)

John A. Comerford, Brevet Major, 3rd Massachusetts Cavalry. Born in Kells, Co. Kilkenny and commissioned in 1862 (Kane 2002: 118)

Eneas Doherty, A.D.C. to General Joshua T. Owen. Born Carndonagh, Co. Donegal. Served in 24th Pennsylvania and later 69th Pennsylvania. Mentioned in official report by Owen for carrying messages under fire at Fredericksburg. Honourably discharged December 1862 (Kane 2002:119)

Denis F. Burke, Colonel, 88th New York, Irish Brigade. Born in Limerick. Enlisted in 69th NYNG in 1861 and later in the 88th New York. Wounded at Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville and Petersburg. Commanded regiment for much of 1863 and 1864 (Kane 2002: 115-6)

Daniel C. Moynihan, Acting Ordnance Officer, 2nd Division, 2nd Corps, Army of the Potomac. Born Killarney, Co. Kerry, Enlisted in 164th New York in 1862. Wounded and captured at Cold Harbor. Prisoner at Libby until paroled and promoted to A.O.O. (Kane 2002: 128)

Daniel A. Mykins, Captain, 170th New York, Irish Legion. Born in New York, and wounded in the head during the war. Sworn into the Fenians while in the field by Captain Francis Welpley (Kane 2002: 129)

Andrew J. Byrne, Lieutenant, 65th New York. Born in Dublin, served in U.S. army before the war. Wounded at Malvern Hill and exchanged, wounded again at Cedar Creek. Wrote his memoirs, published in 2008 (reviewed on this site)

William Pope, Private, Confederate Army. Original caption notes his service with the Confederates (unit as yet not established) and states he was formerly a warden in Spike Island Prison, which lies in Cork Harbour

*With thanks to Joseph Maghe for additional information regarding Denis Burke

References

Kane, Michael H. 2002. ‘American Soldiers in Ireland, 1865-67′ in The Irish Sword: The Journal of the Military History Society of Ireland, Vol. 23, No. 91, pp. 103-140

Mountjoy Prison Portaits of Irish Independence: Photograph Albums in Thomas A. Larcom Collection

New York Public Library Digital Gallery

Part 1 of this series examined the mugshots of ten American Civil War veterans, arrested in Ireland in 1866 for their involvement with the Fenian movement. This post looks at a further ten of these men whose photographs were taken in Mountjoy Prison that year. They form a part of the series of Fenian mugshots made available online by the New York Public Library. 

Maurice Fitzharris, First Lieutenant, 42nd New York Infantry. Rose from the ranks, having enlisted in 1861. Wounded four times during the war, including while commanding skirmishers facing Pickett's Charge at Gettysburg. Member of the Potomac Circle of the Fenian Brotherhood during the war. (Kane 2002: 121)

Joseph O'Carroll, from Co. Tipperary. Enlisted in 1863 and rose from the ranks to First Lieutenant in the 4th New York Cavalry. Wounded at 3rd Winchester. Transferred to 9th New York Cavalry in 1865. (Kane 2002: 131)

Joseph P. Cleary, born in Limerick. Private 13th New York, in June 1863 joined the 14th New York Heavy Artillery and rose to Major. (Kane 2002: 117)

John Warren, Captain of Company B, 63rd New York, Irish Brigade. Born in Clonakilty, Co. Cork, he was discharged in September 1862. (Kane 2002: 134)

James Smith, Hospital Steward and Sergeant, 65th Illinois Infantry. Recruited into Fenians by Colonel Owen Stuart, 90th Illinois Infantry. (Kane 2002:133)

James Murphy, served in US Artillery before the war. Rose from ranks to become Captain of Company F, 20th Massachusetts. Fought at Ball's Bluff, wounded by canister in the left arm at Chancellorsville in 1863 and discharged. Served in Reserve Officer Corps in 1864-5. (Kane 2002: 128)

James McDermott, 6th Connecticut Infantry and 99th New York State Militia. Born in Boyle, Co. Roscommon. (Kane 2002: 127)

James Burns, Captain, 23rd Illinois Infantry. Born in England, served in the ranks and reenlisted as a Veteran Volunteer. Wounded at Second Winchester in 1864. (Kane 2002: 116)

Edward Morley, who spent 13 months with the 183rd Pennsylvania Infantry. Recruited into the Fenians in 1863. (Kane 2002: 128)

Patrick J. Condon, 2nd New York State Militia and later Captain of Company G, 63rd New York, Irish Brigade. Born in Creeves, Co. Limerick. (Kane 2002: 118)

References

Kane, Michael H. 2002. ‘American Soldiers in Ireland, 1865-67′ in The Irish Sword: The Journal of the Military History Society of Ireland, Vol. 23, No. 91, pp. 103-140

Mountjoy Prison Portaits of Irish Independence: Photograph Albums in Thomas A. Larcom Collection

New York Public Library Digital Gallery

The Irish Brigade celebrations of St. Patrick’s Day in 1863 are the most famous from the period of the American Civil War, recorded as they were by a number of writers and in a series of wonderful illustrations by Edwin Forbes. But what of festivities in honour of the Irish patron saint in other years? We are fortunate in that a superb account has survived of the Irish Brigade’s efforts for 17th March, 1865, as the war finally drew to a close outside of Petersburg, Virginia. 

All of the preparations for the 1865 event were put in place more than a week in advance of the big day, and it was decided that the traditional horse and foot races should once again be the central attraction. The Irish Brigade’s commander Colonel Robert Nugent was elected as the Clerk of the Course for the race-event, which the organisers were determined would be worthy of the ‘habitues of the famous Curragh of Kildare, Tramore, the Heath, Cahir, Ballybar, or any of the other popular race-courses in the old land.’ Last minute concerns for the success of the event arose on the night of 16th March, as heavy rain and wind threatened to spoil the occasion. However, the 17th dawned with blue skies, and all was set for the final St. Patrick’s Day of the American Civil War. (1)

The day began with a High Mass celebrated by Father Thomas Willet of the 69th New York, following which the main events began. The course was replete with a stand-house specially erected for the occasion, from which the flags of the Brigade were flown. Below this was a refreshment room where guests were provided with sandwiches and whiskey-punch. Captain Black of the 28th Massachusetts made sure that everyone would be in good cheer, providing a barrel of whiskey at his own expense for the occasion. Major figures from the Army of the Potomac who attended included Major-Generals Meade, Humphreys, Warren, Crawford, Griffin, Bartlett, Webb, Miles and Mott, as well as ex-commanders of the Irish Brigade Thomas Francis Meagher and Thomas Alfred Smyth. (2)

The Irish Brigade Hurdle Race on St. Patrick's Day 1863 as drawn by Edwin Forbes (Library of Congress)

The first race started shortly after 10.00am. It was over hurdles, and was restricted to horses owned by Irish Brigade officers. Five runners and riders went to post:

• ‘Harry’ ridden by Captain James D. Brady, owned by Colonel Nugent
• ‘Jim’ ridden by Captain Oldershaw, owned by Colonel Nugent
• ‘Cranky Jack’ ridden by Quartermaster Wade, owned by Surgeon Reynolds
• ‘Dandy’ ridden by Captain J.D. Black, owned by Lieutenant-Colonel Brown
• ‘Whitefoot’ ridden by Lieutenant Smith, owned by Captain Langdon

Colonel Nugent’s ‘Harry’ romped home to victory. The second race was open to horses owned by officers in the Second Corps, and was once again over hurdles. The runners and riders were:

• ‘Flint’ ridden by Colonel Van Schack, owned by Colonel Van Schack
• ‘Frank’ ridden by Quartermaster Wade, owned by Surgeon Reynolds
• ‘Monitor’ ridden by Captain Black, owned by Captain Sweney
• ‘Ajax’ ridden by Captain Brady, owned by Major Livermore

Some excellent skills in the saddle from Captain Black saw ‘Monitor’ come home victorious. The third hurdle race was open to the entire Army, and was made up of the following mounts:

• ‘Harry’ ridden by Captain Brady, owned by Colonel Nugent
• ‘Fatherland’ ridden by Colonel Von Schack, owned by Colonel Von Schack
• ‘Johnny’ ridden by Captain Russell, owned by Captain Russell
• ‘Monitor’ ridden by Captain Black, owned by Captain Sweney

This race saw the champions of the first two contests face off against each other, and it was Colonel Nugent’s ‘Harry’ who once again emerged victorious;  all did not go smoothly for Colonel Von Schack of the 7th New York either, as he was severely injured in the event.The next competition was for those who preferred to try their luck on the flat, with a course of 120 rods laid out (just over 600m). Five runners and riders went to post:

• ‘Dixie’ ridden by Colonel Lydig, owned by Colonel Lydig
• ‘Macbeth’ ridden by Lieutenant Kimball, owned by Major Leonard
• ‘Jim’ ridden by Captain Nichol, owned by Captain Nichol
• ‘Blackbird’ ridden by Captain Russell, owned by Captain Wildly
• ‘Paddy Miles’ ridden by Captain Black, owned by Colonel Craft

It was Captain Wildly’s ‘Blackbird’ came away with the prize. The final horse event now followed, once again over the flat at the same distance. This time ‘catch riders’ were selected to ride each of the mounts- for one of these men the day would end in tragedy. The horses went to post as follows:

• ‘Burnside’ owned by Colonel Lydig
• ‘General McClellan’ owned by Colonel Truex
• ‘Billy’ owned by Major Belcher
• ‘Alice’ owned by Major Farmer
• ‘Valentine’ owned by Captain Wood
• ‘Pilot’ owned by J. Hamilton

‘Alice’ won this final race, but misfortune for one of the riders marred the result. Second Lieutenant Michael McConville of the 69th New York was involved in a serious fall, which led to him sustaining a fractured skull. He would die from his injuries on 26th March. (3)

The Irish Brigade Mule Race on St. Patrick's Day 1863 as drawn by Edwin Forbes (Library of Congress)

Enlisted men of the Brigade now got their chance to partake in the days events. A foot race over a distance of 120 rods was first up, followed by a sack-race over 80 rods (just over 400m). A soldier of the 88th New York declared loudly before the off that he would win both events, and indeed he collected the winner’s purse for both, solidifying his position as the Brigade’s champion foot and sack racer.The most talked off race of the day followed, when three of the Brigade sutlers took part in a mule-race. The intrepid jockeys were Jim Donahoe of the 69th New York, Terry Duffy of the 28th Massachusetts and O’Flanagan of the 88th New York.Donahoe was aboard ‘Friar Tuck’, with Duffy mounting up on ‘The Gander’ and O’Flanagan on ‘Faug-a-Ballagh.’ (4)

One of those in attendance takes up the story:

The boys of each regiment shouted for the success of their sutler- especially the lads of the 69th, who love their oleaginous caterer and respect him for the length of his purse and boundless good humor. But ‘Friar Tuck’, on which he bestrode, had a twinkle in his eye, significant of merriment and deviltry, somewhat like those of Major Maroney; and some of the boys told their ‘Sancho Panza’ to look out. O’Flanagan’s admirers told him to win for the honor of the 88th, and ‘The Gander’ and his rider were besought to stretch their wings. At last, after kicking and biting, holsing and shying, they got off at the word of the starter, and safely went their allotted round, till the crossing of a gully or drain, into which ‘Friar Tuck’ flung his rider, who roared and floundered in the mud and water till some of the 69th, led by Captain Murtha Murphy, arrived, and, by means of a rope, pulled out poor Donahoe, concerning whose fate the utmost consternation was felt at the Stand House when the riderless ‘Friar’ came cantering in by the winning-post, followed by ‘The Gander’ who won, beating ‘Faug-a-ballagh’ by the length of his neck! (5)

As the official festivities drew to a close General Meagher presented Captain Brady of the 63rd New York with a whip for riding the winning horse in the Irish Brigade hurdle. Captain Wall and Dr. O’Meagher then presided over a meal for the invited guests, although as the food ordered for the occasion from Washington had failed to arrive, it was a relatively modest meal of sandwiches and whiskey. With this the festival ended, the last of the legendary St. Patrick’s Day party’s thrown by the Irish Brigade in the Army of the Potomac. For them and their guests it offered an all too brief respite from a gruelling campaign- little did they know that their war would draw to a conclusion in a few short weeks.

(1) New York Irish American; (2) Conyngham 1867: 514-515, New York Irish American; (3) New York Irish American, AG Report; (4) New York Irish American; (5) New York Irish American;

References

Conyngham, David Power 1867. The Irish Brigade and its Campaigns

New York A.G. 1902. Annual Report of the Adjutant-General of the State of New York for the Year 1901

New York Irish American 4th April 1865: St. Patrick’s Day in the Army: Irish Brigade Horse and Foot Races

Captain John H. Donovan of the 69th New York went into action at the Battle of Fredericksburg already bearing the scars of war. While serving with the Irish Brigade at Malvern Hill in July 1862 he had suffered the loss of one of his eyes and the mutilation of his right ear. He had then been captured by the Rebels, but had returned to his regiment by October, when he was presented with a Tiffany’s sword by friends from Plattsburgh, New York as a token of appreciation for his sacrifice. At Fredericksburg Donovan and his Company G passed through the vortex of battle once more. Only days after the bloodbath, the Irishman described his experience. (1)

Captain John H. Donovan, 69th New York Infantry (www.69thnewyork.co.uk)

Donovan had been enrolled in the 69th New York as a Lieutenant in Company D on 5th January 1862. Within a year the 21-year-old would be a grizzled veteran. He was destined to be wounded once more at Fredericksburg, his last battle with the Irish Brigade. He was transferred to the Veteran Reserve Corps in 1863, where he eventually rose to become a Major in the 19th Regiment. The Irishman was brevetted a Colonel of Volunteers on 13th March, 1865. John Donovan’s extensive account of Fredericksburg is not well-known, but it provides a fascinating insight into the man’s emotions and feelings only days after the carnage of the fight. It was printed in the New York Irish-American on 3rd January 1863, and it is appropriate given the proximity of the 150th anniversary of the battle to reproduce it here in full. (2)

Hon. And most esteemed Sir:- Although the left side and arm are yet powerless, I have still the use of the right arm and hand: and, resting against my pillows, by degrees, I have used that hand in giving you these few details of that terrible engagement fought on the banks of the Rappahannock. The battle of Fredericksburg was the bloodiest and most severe I have yet experienced, while, in the meantime, it has been the most void of good results to the nation. This battle came very unexpectedly on the troops. It has been believed almost to a certainty that the army before Fredericksburg were going- had virtually gone- into winter quarters; and it was not until the very latest order came, they could believe otherwise. For days and weeks the troops had been industriously engaged in erecting log huts and rendering themselves as comfortable as possible against the fast approaching cold weather. When the final order for three days’ cooked rations and sixty extra rounds of ammunition came, an involuntary cessation in the building line took place. A general feeling of disappointment ensued, – Some would fold their arms and look calmly on their handiwork; more walked round in apparent disgust; while others fell to work. In the excitement of the moment, and razed their shanties to the ground “for spite.” A magnificent Hall- erected by the Irish Brigade, in which was to come off the grand banquet on the reception of their new stands of colors- was abandoned. A new train of thought occupied the general mind; and new reflection seemed to pervade all.

At fifteen minutes to five o’clock on the morning of the 11th, the signal guns were fired, and soon afterwards the engagement commenced, which, on the eve of the third day, proved so reckless on the part of our Generals, so unsuccessful to our cause, and so destructive to our fine army. We marched from our encampment at day-break in the direction of the river, and, having gone some distance, halted in a favourable position, out of view of the enemy and reach of his shells- the cannonade on both sides was now terrific- almost equal to that at Malvern Hill, July 1st. The sun was hot and the atmosphere quite hazy. It remained so all day. Several casualties occurred to our troops engaged in laying the pontoon bridges, in which enterprise the most splendid bravery was exhibited under the eye of the General-in-Chief. The sun went down behind the hills, leaving a bright and beautiful red skein along the south-western horizon. This formed a magnificent background to the grand and awful scene before us. A panorama, the grandeur of which has seldom, if ever, been witnessed here, met the gaze. The entire city of Fredericksburg appeared through a the haze and smoke of battle one prolonged sheet of flame, with nothing unconsumed but the spires of its churches, which, in solemn majesty, overlooked a supposed heap of ruin and a scene of desolation. The unabated fury of the cannonade rendered the scene more terrible and grand- the flash of battery after battery could now distinctly be observed through the dusk of evening, before the accompanying sound reached the ear- round shot went whistling and crashing in every direction; shells burst on the ground and in the air- their dark fragments shooting off in every direction from the massive volumes of fire and smoke, while the thunders of the discharges and the explosions rolled along the bosom of the Rappahannock, the reverberations crashing and rambling in prolonged echo for miles through the surrounding hills and valleys. In view of this splendid panorama we received orders to bivouack for the night. The boys felt in excellent spirits. The supposed intended plan for the capture of Richmond and the utter destruction of the Confederate army was circulated freely around, and it appeared so plausible and expedient that a great many believed it. The plan in circulation was, that General Banks and the army of Fortress Monroe were marching on Petersburgh and Richmond; that General Sigel had crossed the Rappahannock further up, with the intention of falling on General Lee’s left flank and rear, with a view to turn it and prevent a retreat of the rebel army to Richmond; that General Franklin was coming up on the left, and that one grand and simultaneous attack of all the Union forces in and around Virginia was intended.

Officers distributing the green boxwood sprigs to the Irish Brigade at Fredericksburg from William McCarter’s National Tribune account (Klem, The National Tribune)

Friday morning, Dec. 12th, arrived: the condition of the weather much the same as on the day previous. At an early hour the troops were under arms, prepared to make the passage of the Rappahannock. A clear and level plain stretched away to right and left, and down with gentle slope to the river’s bank. Here on this plain, in the beaming sun of early morning was presented a scene that made the breast of the soldier and the patriot grow big with emotion. The bright banners of innumerable battalions and the dazzling glare of the national ensign came sweeping down towards the river. In this manner column after column came pressing down from every direction, until the whole plain became covered and presented a mass of solid squares. This was Sumner’s grand division, the second and ninth army corps. Whomsoever would say to me at that time that anything else but certain victory awaited this army, I would have looked upon him with scorn and contempt. I was not aware that hell personified was so close at hand and ready for our destruction.

The troops crossed in three columns at a double quick, without opposition by the enemy, and were drawn up in line of battle by brigades on the south bank of the river, where they remained till late in the forenoon of Saturday, resting on their arms. This was decidedly unpleasant as well as uncomfortable to the troops who were obliged to remain so all night in the cold and without bivouack fires. The reason of so lengthy a delay in this awkward and unpleasant position began to grow somewhat mysterious. Some attributed it to the fact that Franklin had not got into position on the left, while others supposed we were only waiting the arrival of the moment for the combined grand and simultaneous attack. The former seemed to be the most correct, as a little before sunset Franklin appeared to be feeling his way up by a brisk cannonade on the left and was welcomed in loud style by the rebel batteries.

Everything was quiet during the night, and until late next morning a fearful calm ensued, but was only that calm that is said generally to precede a storm. The memorable Saturday had at length arrived. Preparations were made and everything got ready for the great work; every man in his place and every officer at his post.

The Irish Brigade was drawn up in line of battle at ordered arms and a parade rest. A green sprig was ordered by General Meagher to be placed in the caps of both officers and men, himself first setting the example. At about halfpast nine o’clock we were marched up to the centre of the city, nearer the enemy, and formed in line of battle on a street running nearly east and west. Here brigade and regimental hospitals were established. – General Meagher, accompanied by General Hancock and the members of his staff, now addressed his “little Brigade,” each regiment separately, briefly in his eloquent style, and in words of real inspiration. Each man was made aware of the great and terrible work before him, and each man measured in his mind the part he had to perform. The General’s remarks were responded to by the men with great spirit and acclamation. Col. Nugent gave instructions to his “boys” in his usual calm and earnest manner, when every man stood in his place, with set lip and flashing eye, awaiting the word to advance.- French’s division was first to attach the enemy, supported by Zooke’s, Meagher’s and Caldwell’s brigades of Richardson’s division in succession. General French made the attack at about twelve o’clock M., when the battle became general. Zooke’s brigade moved up, followed by Meagher’s. The aspect is already terrible. Noonday is turned to dusk by the smoke and storm of battle. A ravine in rear of the town, through the centre of which runs a mill stream, seven or eight feet wide, over which we were obliged to cross on a rude bridge, was swept by a raking fire from the enemy’s batteries. Having crossed this, the Brigade halted in line of battle, the men relieved themselves of their blankets and haversacks, and awaited the order to advance. French’s division fire, fall, lie down, scatter, rally; but in vain- it is already placed hors-de-combat. Zooke’s brigade advance in fine style, but, God! Mark how they fall; see how its ranks are thinned; still on they go. – “Irish Brigade, advance,” is heard in bold, sweet accents above the clamor of battle.’ “Forward; double quick; guide centre;” and on it dashes through the corn field in the face of the most invulnerable point of the enemy’s works. We are greeted by a murderous fire of grape and canister and Minnie balls. Gaps are opened in the ranks, but they close again and move still onward. The first fence is gained and passed. (Here

The Irish Brigade advance on Marye’s Heights at Fredericksburg from William McCarter’s National Tribune account (Klem, The National Tribune)

Adjutant Young of the 88th, fell on my left, wounded through the body- a brave, cool young officer.) The enemy now fall back from his first behind his second line of breastworks. We gain the second fence, within sixty yards of the enemy’s batteries, and are met by a most disastrous infilade and direct fire from the rebel artillery and infantry. We have not a single piece of artillery to support us, and yet we stand against shot and shell, grape and canister, Minnie and conical balls, to fight a formidable enemy, artillery and infantry posted behind stone walls and fortifications, with buck and ball fired from Harper’s Ferry muskets. It was impossible for human nature to withstand this, and yet were we left here all the afternoon unrelieved. No order to fall back came, and no order to do was [envisaged?]: the Irish Brigade was left to be sacrificed between the fire of the enemy from the front and flanks and the fire of our own troops, afraid to advance from the rear. The 88th joined the 69th on the left, and these regiments fought together like brothers: no brothers could have greater feelings of real brotherly affection. Their ranks are already horribly thinned, and still “leaden rain and iron hail” is streaming upon them; but in all of this, there is no terror for men whose choice is “death before dishonor.” The exasperated felling caused by the fact that we had not in our power the means to inflict ample retaliation on the enemy for the injuries we were receiving, was the most unpleasant feature of all. The 5th New Hampshire, of General Caldwell’s brigade, was the only regiment that came to our assistance during the entire engagement. – The men and officers of this gallant regiment and those of the 69th New York entertain for each other the friendship of brothers. They have been together on every march and almost every battle- and here, on this ever memorable day to those who shall survive it, together

                The fight and fall and bleed-

                And mingle blood with blood;

                A prayer ascends to Heaven, a sigh-

                God, Union, Flag, Liberty and Laws! – They die!

Halt of Wilcox’s Troops in Caroline Street previous to going into Battle, 13th December 1862 sketched by Dublin born Arthur Lumley (Library of Congress)

Here I take a look along the shattered ranks: – an awful sight. See that number of brave fellows now stretched in their gore, who but an hour ago were the personification of life and strength and manliness: who had marched up with stout hearts to the fray, – a march only from earth to eternity: they will never march again. The clouds grow darker, the storm is unceasing in its fury, the casualties increase- Col. Nugent is struck down wounded, and borne off the field. The command now devolves on Major Cavanagh, acting Lieutenant Colonel. “Blaze away and stand to it, boys,” cries the “little Major.”- Capt. Thomas Leddy, acting Major, who had arrived only the day before the battle from Washington, was wounded severely in the left arm. He had but recovered from the effects of a wound received at Malvern Hill. Lieut. Callaghan, First Lieutenant of my company, who had been detailed to command Co. H, was wounded in four different places. He is an “old veteran;” Fredericksburg, according to his own statement, was his fortieth battle, and nobly did he fight it. Second Lieut. David Burke, of my company, while bravely performing his duty, received a rather severe wound in the left shoulder. First Lieut. Bernard O’Neill, commanding Co. D. on my right, was severely wounded while in the act of discharging a musket at the enemy. One of my men remarked to me- “You are wounded, Captain.” “Where!” “In the head,” was the reply; but I found it to be my hat instead, which had been pierced with two bullets. – The greatest coolness and bravery were displayed by Generals Meagher, Caldwell and Zooke. General Hancock was also on the field, mounted, but only to witness the wholesale slaughter of his fine division in a reckless engagement not of his choice or style of fighting. My own turn, as I supposed, had at last arrived. I was struck with a piece of spent shell on the left breast, rendering me insensible to the scenes that transpired around me for about the space of an hour, and causing symptoms which, for a few days, appeared quite serious. I also received a flesh wound or bruise on the left shoulder from a rifle ball which was stopped in its otherwise serious effects by striking my (metalic) shoulder strap, after perforating the over-coat, and before going through the under-clothing. When sensibility returned, the battle appeared to me like a dream, until a shell bursted close by, tearing up the earth and covering me with mud, fairly awaking me to a sense of reality. I looked up only to see the sun go down behind the rebel breastworks on the hill, upon no pleasing shouts of victory, no flank of the enemy turned by Sigel, no Banks,-nor, from the firing on the left, no ground gained by Franklin- nothing of any good obtained, while night was soon to cast its shadow upon a field of carnage and slaughter, the most frightful and terrible ever experienced, and still the bloody fight goes on. I take another look around me. Who are these lines of men that lie stretched along to my right and left, as if asleep on their arms, with the exception of an occasional shot from their midst? “Is it possible that we have been relieved by a new brigade?” “No!” was the answer that greeted my ears, coming from the lips of my First Sergeant, Joseph Hoban, a brave young soldier who was still by my side. “They are the dead and wounded soldiers and officers of the 69th, 88th and 5th New Hampshire.” Where is Major Cavanagh? “Carried away either dead or wounded from the field.” O God! This is truly awful- our gallant and brave Colonel, Acting Lieutenant Colonel, and Acting Major, are all cut down. Nugent, Cavanagh, Leddy, the heads of the family, gone: and these occasional shots I see fired are from the last remnants of the 69th and 88th. Capt. Toal, Lieuts. Bermingham, Buckley, Brennan of Co. B, Scully, Kearney, Manser, Murphy- these brave young

Bringing in the Wounded at Fredericksburg sketched by Dublin born Arthur Lumley (Library of Congress)

men are all severely wounded; while to my left the same sad story is told of the 88th, 63d, 116th, and 28th Massachusetts. The fire of our friends from the rear is now almost as destructive as that from our foes in front; therefore I considered it certain death at this time to endeavor to get out what remained of the regiment. I gave the order to the men to lie flat till the firing in our rear would somewhat cease. One of my own company turned on his back, his side to the enemy. I inquired why he did so, and he coolly answered that “he did not want to be shot in the back.” At dusk, the fire having slackened, I gave the order to fall back, when about a dozen men rose from amongst the dead and followed, three members of my own company and the first sergeant being a portion of the number. I got about half way between the fences in the corn field, and fell down from exhaustion, and the effect of my injuries, and as I rose again to go, my hat was shot off my head. I got through the first fence, and lay down to rest in rear of the 69th Pennsylvania Volunteers, where I remained until helped across the mill stream. Here I met Capt. P.K. Horgan, of the 88th, wounded in the shoulder and hip, and Capt. Clark, of the same regiment, wounded in the ankle. I now involuntarily did what before at any time I never could do- shed tears of gratitude for my own deliverance from instant death, and of sorrow for the many thousands of brave young fellows and comrades who fell that day, not martyrs to a cause, but victims to a grand blunder, and whom I shall never see again. To say that good generalship was displayed in the whole movement, would be to utter a falsehood, or to deny one’s self of the capacity or judgement to think or see differently; and while I this call it bad generalship, I look upon the whole affair as the result of political strategy, and the pressure of Radicalism on the actions and plans of a Good General. It appears of late to be the sole purpose of a certain class of politicians to sacrifice the army of the Potomac, for the design to kill certain Generals and to make room for others. How long this Infernal Radical conspiracy is to continue, remains for the army and the country to decide. The fires of this bloody conflagration have been fed too long, with the noble youth of the nation. I hope, sir, that I shall survive my wounds and injuries, and be able to fight again; but I trust in heaven, in the spirit of honesty and patriotism of the President, the army and the people; that the next battle will be fought for the Union, and not for the purpose of unmaking and making Generals.

I was delighted beyond expression to learn after the engagement, that Major Cavanagh was not killed, though severely wounded, and that Col. Nugent’s wound was not as serious as was at first reported. Both of these brave and gallant officers had gone through all the former engagements without a scratch, though in the very hottest of the fray, each time guiding and encouraging their men. Major William Horgan, of the 88th, was shot dead on the field. This brave and skilful officer is mourned by the surviving members of the brigade to a man. Captain Hart and Lieutenants Brady, Emmet and Roarty, of Gen. Meagher’s Staff, acquitted themselves with the most remarkable coolness, bravery and daring. Captains Handcock and Mitchell, and Lieut. Parker, of Gen. Handcock’s Staff, were also remarkable for their gallant display of their fine qualities of the true and brave soldier.

Since my arrival in this city I have heard several complaints made, to the effect that the heavy losses the Irish Brigade has sustained can be attributed in a great measure to Gen. Meagher, who has sent them, unnecessarily, into many of the fights in which they have been engaged. I have no doubt this report has spread to other parts of the State and country. The report is an unpardonable falsehood; and the contemptible set of poltroons who circulate it are neither friends of the General, his brigade or the good and glorious cause in which they have fought and suffered. On the contrary, as the General himself expressed it, in words of pathetic eloquence on the morning of the battle of Fredericksburg, within the hearing of every man of his brigade, he never sent them any place where he had not received orders to send them; and that he never had nor never would send them any place where he was not willing and ready to lend them aid and share with them in all their dangers. This, sir, is an indisputable fact; the General is a brave, noble and tender-hearted man, to which every surviving member of his brigade will give testimony if they speak the truth.

Burnside gives Franklin orders to evacuate the battlefield at Fredericksburg sketched by Dublin born Arthur Lumley (Library of Congress)

What the government intend to do with the remnant of the brigade I know not. I can only say that as an “Irish Brigade” it has “fought its last battle;” and could the spirits of its honoured and immortal dead, whose rude graves spot the soil of Virginia and Maryland, but have the privilege or power to look down upon the future of this Republic they can now tell whether or not the cause for which they have offered up their lives is to perish; and if it is to perish, better by far that the few and disabled fragments that remain of their comrades had perished too on the battle-field, than to have survived as cripples to experience the agony of the awful wreck. If it is not to perish, but, on the contrary, to triumph, these noble souls could not have offered up their lives for a more glorious cause or grander earthly heritage; and their surviving comrades, though deprived of sight and limb, will have ample reason to shed tears of joy and gratitude for having lent their aid and spilled their blood in defence of so great a cause and in the consummation of so grand and noble an object.

In conclusion, I have the honor to remain, sir, your most obedient servant,

J.H.D. (3)

(1) New York Irish-American November 8th 1862; (2)  New York Adjutant General 1901:92, Phisterer 1912: 4236; (3) New York Irish-American January 3rd 1863;

References & Further Reading

New York Irish-American November 8th 1862. Sword Presentation in the Irish Brigade

New York Irish-American January 3rd 1863. Details of the Battle of Fredericksburg. By an Officer of the Irish Brigade

Adjutant-General 1901. Annual Report of the Adjutant-General of the State of New York for the Year 1901

Phisterer, Frederick 1912. New York in the War of Rebellion 1861 to 1865, Volume 5

Fredericksburg and Spotsylvania National Military Park

Civil War Trust Battle of Fredericksburg Page

By September 1864 the Union forces at Petersburg had been facing their Confederate foe across a series of entrenchments and fortifications since mid-June. The Federals decided to commit to a strategy of continually extending their lines westward, seeking to exploit their advantages in manpower. With this stratagem they sought to stretch the Army of Northern Virginia to breaking point and bring the campaign to a decisive close. However, the Yankees were well aware of the threat they still faced from Rebel strikes around their flank and rear. With this in mind they decided to construct a new secondary line behind their forward positions, which faced south to counter any such Confederate movement. (1)

The interior of Fort Sedgwick, one of the principal Union forts at Petersburg (Library of Congress)

This secondary line effectively turned the Union positions into a giant fortified camp, protected by earthworks to both front and rear. The new line ran from a work designated Fort Dushane, just west of the Weldon & Petersburg railroad, eastwards towards the Jerusalem Plank Road. It contained five new enclosed works, and eventually connected to the pre-existing secondary line which had heretofore ended at Fort Prescott. The secondary line in its entirety now contained no fewer than 41 batteries and 20 redoubts- a formidable obstacle for any Confederate flanking force. (2)

With the extension of the secondary line that September,two of the Army of the Potomac’s Corps Commanders, Winfield Scott Hancock and Gouverneur Warren, suggested that each of the enclosed works be named and that a sign bearing the new designation be placed in a prominent position within the forts. The army commander George Gordon Meade agreed, and decided that these names should be selected from amongst the fallen. Meade therefore asked each Corps Commander to put forward the names of officers who had died since the commencement of the 1864 campaign and who were deserving of being honoured in such a fashion. (3)

Sketch showing portions of the Union secondary line at Petersburg, including Fort McMahon and Fort Patrick Kelly (Official Records Atlas)

Winfield Hancock looked back over the 1864 Overland Campaign as he decided on the names to be chosen from the Second Corps. As a result two of the forts on the Union secondary line came to be named for prominent Irish officers- Fort McMahon and Fort Patrick Kelly. Colonel James Power McMahon from Waterford had led the 164th New York Infantry, part of Corcoran’s Irish Legion, during the Overland Campaign. He had succeeded his brother John to command of the regiment when the latter had died in March 1863. When the 164th charged the Rebel positions at Cold Harbor on 3rd June 1864, James fell at the head of his regiment, while in the act of planting the regimental colors on the enemy works. He was in his late twenties at the time of his death. (4)

Colonel Patrick Kelly had been born in c.1822 at Castlehacket, near Tuam in Co. Galway. He had served in the 69th New York State Militia at Bull Run before taking a commission in the 88th New York Infantry, Irish Brigade. He rose to regimental command and led the Irish Brigade into the Wheatfield at the Battle of Gettysburg in July 1863. He was again at the head of the brigade during the assault of Petersburg of 16th June 1864, when he was struck in the head by a bullet and killed. (5)

Fort Patrick Kelly was designed to accommodate eight guns with a garrison of 200 men, while Fort McMahon could hold 12 guns and 150 men. They remained in use from September 1864 until the conclusion of the Petersburg Campaign in April 1865. Although since the war many of the miles of fortifications around Petersburg have disappeared, including Fort McMahon, the remains of Fort Patrick Kelly remain well-preserved, with the raised artillery places in the angles still visible. It is today located near the junction of US 301 and County 629, adjacent to the Belsches House- a long-lived tribute to one of the many Irishmen who fell in the Eastern Theater’s bloody fighting of 1864. (6)

Colonel James P. McMahon (seated, facing camera) plays chess at the headquarters of the 164th New York (Library of Congress)

(1) Hess 2009: 142-145, (2) Ibid: 144-146, (3) Ibid.; (4) Daily National Intelligencer 18th June 1864, Irish-American Weekly 22nd April 1911; (5) Murphy, 1998; (6) Official Records: 956, Hess 2009: 303-304, American Studies University of Virginia Tour 14;

References & Further Reading

Hess, Earl J. 2009. In The Trenches at Petersburg: Field Fortifications & Confederate Defeat

Murphy, T.L. 1998. “Faithful To Us Here…” A Remembrance of Colonel Patrick Kelly of the Irish Brigade

Official Records Series 1, Volume 42, Part 2, Chapter 54. List of Field-Works, Their Armaments and Garrisons

Washington Daily National Intelligencer 18th June 1864. Obituary

New York Irish-American 22nd April 1911. Colonel, 164th Regiment, New York Volunteers (Corcoran’s Irish Legion)

American Studies University of Virginia Tour 14

Civil War Trust Battle of Petersburg Page

Petersburg National Battlefield

Pamplin Historical Park

On 13th December 1862 the Irish Brigade had fought at Fredericksburg. Along with many other Union brigades they suffered horrendous casualties in the futile attempt to assault the Confederate positions at Marye’s Heights. The losses sent shockwaves through the Irish-American community. Even as some of the mortally wounded lay dying, it was decided something must be done in New York to remember those who wouldn’t be coming home.

In January 1863 the New York Irish-American informed its readers of the proposed ceremony:

THE DEAD OF THE IRISH BRIGADE

A Grand Requiem Mass, for the repose of the souls of the heroic dead, officers and soldiers, of the Irish Brigade, will be solemnized in St. Patrick’s Cathedral, on Friday, the 16th inst., at 10 o’clock a.m. The Rev. Mr. Ouillette, the devoted and fearless Chaplain of the Brigade, will be the officiating clergyman on the impressive occasion. His Grace the Most Rev. Archbishop Hughes and the clergy of the city, as well as of Brooklyn and New Jersey, will be present [Archbishop Hughes was in the end unable to attend]. General Thomas Francis Meagher, the members of his Staff, and all the officers of the Brigade at present in New York, will attend this most beautiful, tender, and solemn commemoration of their beloved and heroic comrades. A magnificent choir, assisted by the splendid band of the “North Carolina,” will perform Mozart’s immortal Requiem, and in every respect the event will be one that must leave a lasting and profound impression. Major Bagley and all the other officers of the ever-popular old 69th, State Militia, are invited to accompany their friends and brother-officers of the Brigade to the Cathedral on the occasion, and pay this last tribute of Catholic love and Catholic devotion to the never-to-be-forgotten dead of the Irish Brigade. Immediately after the ceremonies at St. Patrick’s, General Meagher, accompanied by all the officers of the Brigade who are able to travel, will return to his command. (1)

The Grand Requiem Mass held in St. Patrick’s Cathedral to honour the dead of the Irish Brigade (Library of Congress)

When the morning of the 16th arrived the front of the Cathedral had been draped in black for the occasion. The altar was similarly decorated and lit with large candles. At the top of the aisle a coffin was placed to represent those men who had fallen at Fredericksburg. It was surrounded by a guard of honor made of marines from the USS North Carolina. The ship’s band were located in one of the galleries beside the organ, in order to provide appropriate accompaniment throughout the ceremony. (2)

A large crowd duly arrived for the mass. Pews had been reserved for the officers of the Irish Brigade, and they entered through the central aisle to take their places. Thomas Francis Meagher was seated in front of the high altar along with his wife and staff. Among the other notables in attendance were Colonel Robert Nugent of the 69th volunteers and Lieutenant Mulhall; the latter attended in Papal army uniform as a Chevalier of the Order of St. Gregory. (3)

The ceremony opened with the organ playing Dies Irae, a latin hymn meaning ‘Day of Wrath.’ This music combined with the sombre scene to create a ‘sensation of awe and devotion to which no heart susceptible of the finer emotions of our nature could be indifferent.’ (4)

Mozart’s Requiem was selected for the High Mass, sung by the choir of the cathedral and accompanied by the band from the North Carolina.

According to correspondents who were present one of the strongest pieces of music played was Rossini’s Cujus Animam from Stabat Mater, described by one reporter as ‘one of the finest pieces of concerted instrumentation we have ever heard.’ (5)

Among the other music used for the ceremony were some selections from Tannhauser’s work and from Verdi’s l masnadieri (The Bandits).

After Father Ouellet had celebrated Mass, Father O’Reilly took to the pulpit requesting that widows of deceased members of the 69th New York make themselves known over the coming days, as a fund had been put together for their relief. The religious element of the sermon then began with the 44th chapter of Ecclesiasticus: ‘laudemus viros gloriosos, et parentes nostros in generatione sua’ (‘Let us praise men of renown, and our fathers in their generation).’ Father O’Reilly moved on to talk directly and extensively about the Irish Brigade and those who had fallen:

‘Let us praise those glorious men who have fallen, for they were our countrymen and our fathers, the bone of our bone, the flesh of our flesh, and let their memory live amongst us forever. Brethern, here we are today assembled before the altar of the Living God, to pray and to weep for those who have fallen in battle, our fellow-countrymen, our brethern at all events; and, who, as many among us can say, have been nearest and dearest to their hearts, and who have been bone of their bone and flesh of their flesh. Can I, too, not feel emotion in recollecting all those who have fallen, from the first day the Green Banner passed down Broadway. Oh, yes! let us praise them, for they were true men and true Christians. They were true men, those fallen soldiers of the Irish Brigade, and their adopted country shall ever more praise them and honor their memories.’ (6)

Father O’Reilly continued by informing those present why these men were true, and the pride that their families, the Union and Ireland could take from their sacrifice. Speaking directly to the families of the dead, still coming to terms with the loss of their loved ones, he attempted to provide some comfort:

‘And you, families of the departed members of the Irish Brigade, you may well be proud of their memory, and the inheritance of virtue and honor they have left you. Many a father among us might have seen his hopes extinguished every day, and the son whom he loved best fall in some obscure and unholy strife; but when the father, the husband and the son lays down his life in a noble cause- and when by doing so, in the highest patriotic spirit, he ennobles that cause, then I say that his family to the latest generation have a right to boast of his life, to resound his fame and to emblazon his name upon the walls of their household.’ (7)

Delmonicos Restaurant to which the Irish Brigade and 69th NYSM officers retired after the Requiem Mass (New York Public Library Digital Gallery Reference 0340-A1)

Following the sermon the Reverend Dr. Starrs intoned the Requiem and Absolution, after which the mass ended. It was reported that many of the congregation remained in the Cathedral long after the ceremonies had concluded. The officers of the Irish Brigade and officers of the 69th New York State Militia retired to Delmonicos restaurant on Fifth-Avenue. Here General Meagher presented the 69th NYSM with ornate resolutions from the Irish Brigade, acknowledging the services of the militia in paying the funeral costs of the Brigade’s fallen when the bodies had returned to New York. Meagher then spoke to the assembled officers:

‘We have but two wants to-day- one for the dead, and the other for the living. To the dead we have paid our tribute this morning, and listened to the eulogy so eloquently pronounced by my reverend and revered friend, the old chaplain of the Sixty-ninth. I feel that any word I can say in reference to my lost officers and men would be improper, because it would be superfluous. But I will exercise the privilege of being the host on this occasion and avail myself of the opportunity to say that war for me has no attractions beyond those developments which it gives for heart, mind and genius, and the most remarkable and delightful and consoling recollection with me, to my wife, my family and my friends, is the memory of the charities, the amenities, the sweetness of disposition I have seen- and which, in my ignorance, I never gave human nature the credit of possessing, I have seen what we are taught to regard as the rebel soldier, receiving the cup to assuage his parching thirst; I have seen the Federal arm bind his wounds; I have seen friendly and kindly words uttered, and I believe that even on the terrible battlefield there has been more done to cement this Union of American people than anywhere else. I give you The Stars and Stripes, and the heroism of both armies.’ (8)

This received loud cheers, and the festivities continued after Meagher’s speech with a series of toasts. Over the coming days the officers of the Brigade would return to their camps, readying themselves for the next offensive. They were soon to face the battlefields of Chancellorsville and Gettysburg- engagements which would add to the ranks of the fallen ‘glorious men’ of the Irish Brigade.

(1) Irish American January 1863; (2) Ibid; (3) Irish American January 1863; (4) Ibid.; (5) Ibid.; (6) Ibid.; (7) Ibid.; (8) New York Times;

References & Further Reading

New York Irish-American January 1863. The Dead of the Irish Brigade

New York Irish-American January 1863. The Dead of the Irish Brigade. Solemn Requiem Mass in St. Patrick’s Cathedral

New York Times January 1863. The Dead of the Irish Brigade. Grand Requiem Mass at Saint Patrick’s Cathedral

New York Public Library Digital Gallery

A little over a year ago friend Jim Swan, author of the excellent Chicago’s Irish Legion sent me on an image of a cigarette case he had come across. It  commemorated a 50th anniversary dinner held in 1912 for the survivors of the Irish Brigade who served at Fredericksburg. I decided to research the object, which revealed a remarkable story which was the topic of a subsequent post (read it here). In fact I was so taken with it that I also decided to cover this commemorative dinner in my book (which is now available, but more of that anon!). The inscribed cigarette cases were available to those who attended the 1912 anniversary event, so imagine my delight when recently contacted by reader Patricia Doherty, who is also in possession of one of these cases.

The cigarette case in pristine condition, replete with original Turkish cigarettes (Patricia Doherty)

Patricia recently discovered the superbly preserved object in an attic, complete with the original packet of Turkish cigarettes inside! The object may well have belonged to Patricia’s Great-Great-Grandfather who was a Civil War veteran. Patricia is seeking the help of readers in determining the value of the object, so any assistance in that regard would be appreciated. It is a truly magnificent object, which was discovered just in time for the 150th anniversary of the event that it commemorates.

Detail of the inscription on the case, which was produced for the 50th anniversary dinner for Irish Brigade survivors of Fredericksburg (Patricia Doherty)

Obverse of the Turkish cigarette packet (Patricia Doherty)

Reverse of the Turkish cigarette packet (Patricia Doherty)

I wrote a piece this week for thejournal.ie, Ireland’s main online news website. The theme was the St. Patrick’s Day festivities in the Army of the Potomac on 17th March 1863, which occurred 150 years ago today. In addition I hoped to raise awareness among Irish people of the scale of Irish involvement in the conflict, and the need for the country to take the opportunity of the sesquicentennial to remember those Irish involved. If you are interested in reading the piece you can find it by clicking here.

Cork Harbour is one of the largest natural harbours in the World. This coupled with its strategic location meant that it was of key significance for the British Empire over the centuries. The harbour’s importance to the Royal Navy led to the construction of a major series of defences at key locations around the anchorage. The linchpins of this defence were Fort Carlisle and Fort Camden on opposite sides of the harbour entrance, and Fort Westmoreland (Spike Island) within. When these fortifications were handed back to the Irish State in 1938 they were renamed to honour Irish patriots- inadvertently highlighting the divisions in the Irish community created by the American Civil War.

Fort Mitchel, Spike Island. Fort Davis and Fort Meagher occupy the two headlands on either side of the harbour entrance in the distance. (Courtesy Cork County Council)

The decision was taken to officially name the Forts for three prominent members of the nineteenth century Young Ireland movement. So it was that Fort Carlisle became Fort Davis, Fort Camden became Fort Meagher and Fort Westmoreland became Fort Mitchel. Thomas Davis had founded The Nation newspaper and had written ballads such as The West’s Awake and A Nation Once Again. His death at only 30 years of age meant that he was not involved in the abortive 1848 Young Ireland Rebellion. Such was not the case with Thomas Francis Meagher and John Mitchel, the other men honoured with the re-naming. They found themselves arrested and deported to Van Diemen’s Land (now Tasmania) but both would eventually end up in the United States. Meagher escaped to New York in 1852 while Mitchel followed in his footsteps in 1853.

John Mitchel (Jail Journal)

The American Civil War would see the former allies on opposite sides. While Meagher remained in New York and would eventually throw in his lot with the Union, Mitchel took a very different path. Mitchel was disgusted by how capitalism was operating; he saw it as one of the main causes of the Famine and as the creator of terrible conditions for the industrialised poor of the North. At the same time he became a staunch supporter of slavery, the spread of which he supported. He eventually decided to move South to help the Southern cause.

Thomas Francis Meagher (Library of Congress)

With the outbreak of war Thomas Francis Meagher became first a Captain in the 69th New York State Militia and later organised and led the Union’s Irish Brigade as a Brigadier-General. Meanwhile John Mitchel helped with the Confederate Ambulance Corps and later became editor of the Richmond Enquirer and subsequently the Richmond Examiner. The war was not kind to either of the former Young Irelanders. Meagher watched hundreds of his men fall in battle in 1862 and 1863, an experience which undoubtedly had a deep and lasting impact on him. Mitchel meanwhile had seen his sons march off to fight for the South. The youngest, Private Willie Mitchel, died in the ranks of the 1st Virginia Infantry during Pickett’s Charge at the Battle of Gettysburg, almost 150 years ago. Willie’s eldest brother Captain John C. Mitchel of the 1st South Carolina Artillery was in command of Fort Sumter, South Carolina when he was mortally wounded during a barrage on 20th July 1864. The middle son, James, also served in the 1st Virginia Infantry and lost an arm during the fighting, but survived the war. James’s son, John Purroy Mitchel, would later become the Mayor of New York.

The former comrades Meagher and Mitchel had given virtually everything to the Northern and Southern causes during the American Civil War. Meagher would die in tragic circumstances in 1867 while serving as Governor of Montana, falling overboard and drowning while on a steamboat in the Missouri River. Mitchel was briefly arrested after the conflict for his wartime activities, settling in New York after his release. He eventually returned to Ireland in 1874 and was elected as MP for Tipperary, but was declared ineligible to hold a seat as he was a convicted felon. He died in 1875.

William Pope, Private, Confederate Army. Original caption notes his service with the Confederates (unit as yet not established) and states he was formerly a warden in Spike Island Prison (Mountjoy Prison Portraits)

Interestingly Fort Westmoreland on Spike Island (now Fort Mitchel) has a number of links to the Irish who served the Confederacy during the American Civil War. John Mitchel himself had been very briefly held here prior to his deportation to Van Diemen’s Land following the 1848 Rebellion. A Fenian called John Pope, arrested in 1866 while attempting to assist in the organisation of a Fenian Rising, claimed to be both a former Confederate soldier and former prison warden on Spike Island. On 1st July 1849 a Private in the 41st Regiment of Foot- Patrick Cleburne- was promoted to Corporal while serving on Spike. During his time on the island Cleburne got into trouble as a prisoner escaped while he was standing guard, but he avoided serious censure. His regiment was also on duty in nearby Cobh in 1849 when Queen Victoria visited, an event which resulted in the settlement being renamed Queenstown. Cleburne would later go on to become the highest ranking Irishman to serve on either side during the American Civil War. As a Major-General in the Confederate Army he became known as the ‘Stonewall of the West’ and has had a city and number of county’s named for him. (1)

Major-General Patrick Cleburne, former Spike Island soldier. Killed in action at Franklin, Tennessee on 30th November 1864 (Library of Congress)

Although the names of Fort Meagher and Fort Mitchel in Cork Harbour are intended to primarily remember these two men’s activities in the Young Ireland movement, they also provide us with an opportunity to recognise Irish involvement in the American Civil War. One was a Yankee, the other a Rebel- together they remind us of the conflict in which nearly 200,000 Irishmen served and which had such a deep impact on the 1.6 million strong Irish community in America.

* Special thanks to Louise Nugent of Spike Island for providing images for this post.

(1) Joslyn 2000:14;

References & Further Reading

Joslyn, Mauriel Phillips 2000. ‘Irish Beginnings’ in Joslyn, Mauriel Phillips (ed.) A Meteor Shining Brightly: Essays on Major-General Patrick R. Cleburne.

Mountjoy Prison Portaits of Irish Independence: Photograph Albums in Thomas A. Larcom Collection

Spike Island Cork

Rescue Camden

The Irish Brigade went into action at Gettysburg on 2nd July 1863. They did their fighting in the Wheatfield, one of the most infamous sections of the battlefield. The already depleted brigade suffered some 200 casualties. One of  the brigade’s regiments that fought at Gettysburg was the 63rd New York Infantry. On 6th July the 63rd’s Adjutant, Miles McDonald, wrote to the Irish-American newspaper in an effort to let those at home in New York know the human cost of the fighting in Pennsylvania.

Federal Soldier Disembowelled by a Shell, Rose Woods, near The Wheatfield, Gettysburg (Library of Congress)

The “Irish Brigade” at Gettysburg

Headquarters, 63d Battalion, N.Y.S.V., 

Near Two Taverns, Penn.,

July 6, 1863.

To the Editors of the Irish-American:

Enclosed I send you the list of casualties of the 63d Battalion, N.Y.S. Vols., during the late engagement with the enemy near Gettysburg, Pa., July, 2d and 3d, 1863, for publication. It is as correct as can at present be ascertained, although some of the men reported missing may yet be found. 

The Battalion fought splendidly, driving the enemy from the position they had taken, and the “Irish Brigade” by their courage and bravery in the late fights, nobly sustained the honor of the land which gave them birth.

KILLED- Company A- Privates Charles Hogan, Patrick Kenny, John O’Brien. Company B- Privates William Moran, Edward Egan.

WOUNDED- Lieut. Col. R.C. Bentley, leg, slightly. Company A- Sergt. Thomas Murphy, abdomen, severely; James Crow, hand, slightly; Hugh Meehan, side, severely; Peter Walsh, side, severely. Company B- Corporal John O’Halloran, hand, severely; Privates John Graham, thigh, severely; Daniel Hickey, hip, slightly; John Hartigan, hand, slightly.

MISSING- Company A- Corporal Daniel E. Looney; Privates Timothy Manly, Patrick McGeehan, Thomas Kelley. Company B- Lieut. Dominick Connolly, Privates Michael Kelley, John Murphy, Michael Sheehan.

RECAPITULATION- Killed, 5; Wounded 10; Missing, 8- Total, 23.

Very respectfully your obedient servant,

Miles McDonald. Adjutant, 63d N.Y.S. Vols. (1)

The rosters of the 63rd New York provide further detail on the regiment’s casualties at Gettysburg. The men who were listed as dead included those killed outright in the Wheatfield on July 2, such as 21-year-old Charles Hogan and 37-year-old Patrick Kenny. John O’Brien had lingered for a day before passing away from his wounds on 3rd July. These early reports from the field often contained mistakes- one can only imagine the impact such errors had on the families of the soldiers. Such was the case for William Moran, a 26-year-old listed as killed in action. He had in fact survived, captured on the 2nd. Paroled on 28th December 1863, he returned to the front and mustered out at the end of his term at Petersburg on 31st August 1864. The same also appears true of Edward Egan, listed as killed, but who also survived to muster out on 21st August 1864. (2)

What of those listed as wounded? Lieutenant-Colonel Richard Bentley survived and was discharged for disability in 1864. The severely wounded 20-year-old Sergeant Thomas Murphy managed to survive his Gettysburg wound and re-enlisted as a veteran volunteer. However, Thomas had clearly had enough of war; he deserted from the army during his veteran furlough in March 1864. James Crow who had been wounded in the hand was suffering his second battle injury, having been previously shot at Antietam. He also survived and was transferred to the Veteran Reserves in February 1864. Hugh Meehan pulled recovered from his severe wound and would fall to enemy fire again at the Wilderness. He also ended the war in the Veteran Reserves. Just as errors could be made in listing men as killed when they had in fact been wounded or captured, so too could early reports offer hope when there was none to be had. By the time Miles McDonald wrote his brief outline to the Irish-American on 6th July, 35-year-old Peter Walsh had already died of the wounds he had received in the Wheatfield. There was no further record of John O’Halloran after Gettysburg; he may have died from his wounds, been discharged due to wounds or deserted. John Graham survived his wound, as did Daniel Hickey. 20-year-old John Hartigan who was reported as slightly wounded was not so fortunate. He died from wounds at Satterlee Hospital in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania on 9th December 1863. (2)

The final category of men were those reported missing. Corporal Daniel Looney had already been captured at Malvern Hill and wounded at Antietam before being captured at Gettysburg on 2nd July. His luck had run out- Daniel died of disease in Hospital No.21, Richmond on 1st December 1863. There was no further record of Timothy Manly following his capture at Gettysburg, and he may well have been among the fallen. Patrick McGeehan succeeded in getting back to his regiment and reenlisted as a veteran volunteer. Like Thomas Murphy the 28-year-old deserted during his veteran furlough. Thomas Kelly had been captured in the Wheatfield, was exchanged and eventually mustered our before Petersburg in 1864. 25-year-old John Murphy had also been captured on 2nd July, and like Daniel Looney he would not survive. He died of disease in Richmond on 30th December 1863. Michael Sheehan was another man for whom there was no record beyond his disappearance at Gettysburg and his ultimate fate remains unknown. (3)

Given the confusion of the fighting it is unsurprising that Miles McDonald made some mistakes in his communication and that some men were not mentioned at all. These included soldiers like 19-year-old Dominick Connolly who was captured but survived; 35-year-old Laurence Cronin was wounded in the Wheatfield and was discharged from the service as a result the following August. Peter Flanaghan had seen enough at Gettysburg to make up his mind about his future. He deserted from the army on 4th July, the day after the fighting stopped. Peter Hannigan had the same idea- he went AWOL on 5th July. What of the adjutant who wrote to the Irish-American on 6th July? Miles McDonald had been just 23-years-old at Gettysburg. He was destined not to survive the war; he fell wounded at Petersburg on 16th June 1864, dying the following day. (4)

(1) New York Irish-American 25th July 1863; (2) New York Adjutant General Report; (3) Ibid.; (4) Ibid.;

References & Further Reading

New York Irish-American 25th July 1863. The “Irish Brigade” at Gettysburg

Adjutant-General 1901. Annual Report of the Adjutant-General of the State of New York for the Year 1901

Gettysburg National Military Park

Civil War Trust Battle of Gettysburg Page

Regular readers of the blog will be familiar with the donations made by hundreds of Union troops in 1863 towards the relief of the suffering poor in Ireland (see here, here, here and an overview here). These men were about to embark on campaigns that would leave many dead, maimed or captured. Despite this they chose to give money to those in Ireland, individuals who they deemed less fortunate than themselves.

The Irish Brigade at Chancellorsville, New York ‘Irish World’, 1903

I was recently informed of a most remarkable illustration that accompanied an article in the New York ‘Irish World’ on 2nd May 1903. The piece dealt with the Irish Brigade’s role in the Battle of Chancellorsville in 1863 and was published on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of that engagement. The image is centred on Brigadier-General Thomas Francis Meagher (Chancellorsville would be the last fight in which he would command the brigade) and also portrays the rescue of a Union battery by the Irishmen. What is most fascinating is the depiction in the bottom right hand corner. Here the artist has chosen not to present an incident of the battle, but rather a line of Irish Brigade soldiers putting their hands in their pockets and placing money in a box nailed to a tree. On the box is marked ‘Cause of Ireland.’ Clearly even four decades after the event, the fact that these soldiers had remembered those at home on the eve of battle was a source of pride to the veterans and the wider Irish-American community alike. It certainly ranks as one of the most intriguing images portraying the Irish in the American Civil War that I have seen. Unfortunately the story of the relief efforts of these men has been largely forgotten in the intervening 150 years and is deserving of more study. It is a topic to which I intend to return in future posts on the site.

‘Irish Brigade Giving to the Cause of Ireland’, Detail from New York ‘Irish World’, 1903

*I am deeply indebted to Jeff Giambrone who discovered this image and brought it to my attention.

References

New York Irish World 2nd May 1903.

Occasionally one has to look no further than a soldier’s service record to see both the poignancy and cruelty of war. Such is the case with Edward B. Carroll of the 63rd New York Infantry, Irish Brigade. As I carry out work on the 63rd and other ‘green flag’ New York regiments, even a few matter-of-fact lines in the regimental roster cannot but highlight Carroll’s extraordinary service.

A native of Co. Tipperary, Edward B. Carroll enrolled in the 63rd New York as a fresh-faced 21-year-old in Albany, mustering in as a Corporal in Company K on 8th October 1861. He clearly showed his value during the hard fighting of 1862, as he began an inexorable rise through the ranks. He became a Sergeant on 4th August 1862, then a First Sergeant on 17th September 1862 (the same day as the 63rd endured the great bloodbath of Antietam). On 28th January 1863 he became Sergeant-Major, and made the jump to officer when he became a Second-Lieutenant in Company B on 7th April 1863. Then, despite the fact that Edward was clearly a highly-valued soldier, he was mustered out of the 63rd New York and the army on 12th June 1863. This was most likely caused by the consolidation of the regiment, which meant that less officers were required. It was a symptom of the ever-shrinking size of the Irish Brigade. Having survived some of the toughest fighting of the war, Edward would have been forgiven for sitting out the rest of the conflict- but clearly this was not the Tipperary native’s style. (1)

The Pension Index Card of Captain Edward B. Carroll, 63rd New York Infantry, Irish Brigade (Fold3.com)

After the passage of a few months, presumably spent back in Albany, Edward Carroll returned to both the army and the 63rd New York Infantry on 23rd February 1864. Having lost his commission he was back to square one, enlisting as a Private in Company F. It would appear that his feelings for his regiment and his comrades trumped all else for Edward. However, his quality was clearly recognised by all, and once again he began to rise through the ranks. He became First Sergeant on 26th April 1864, a Second-Lieutenant in Company E on 15th September 1864, First-Lieutenant on 22 November 1864 and finally Captain on 13th January 1865. When reading through such an exceptional record of service you can’t help but admire this young man’s dedication to the 63rd, the Irish Brigade and the Union. Unfortunately his long and faithful service was not rewarded with a long life in peacetime as it might have been. The cruelty of war is indiscriminate. Captain Edward Carroll was killed in action at Sutherland Station, Virginia on 2nd April 1865, during the final days of the war in the east. Robert E. Lee surrendered the Army of Northern Virginia a week later, on 9th April. A cursory look at Carroll’s pension index card shows that he had not married, but that his parents had relied on him for their financial support. Even in regimental rosters, the heartbreak of the American Civil War is often on full display.  (2)

(1) AG Report 1901: 20, Conyngham 1867: 572; (2) AG Report 1901:20, Edward B. Carroll Pension Index Card;

References

Adjutant-General 1901. Annual Report of the Adjutant-General of the State of New York for the Year 1901.

Conyngham, David Power 1867. The Irish Brigade and its Campaigns.

Edward B. Carroll Pension Index Card.

I have read the Widow’s Pension Files of many Irish families who were devastated by the American Civil War. The information contained in each reveals much about both the family behind the soldier and the long-term impact of the conflict on generations of Irish-Americans. However, when reading the application of Ann Scanlan, whose husband Patrick lost his life in the service of the Irish Brigade, I also came across the letter notifying her of her husband’s death. This remarkably emotive document related to Ann her husband’s last words to his family, and has to my knowledge not been read in 150 years. It is reproduced below for the first time.

Ann Leskey married 22-year-old Patrick Scanlan when both were in their early twenties, on 29th April 1851. At the time they were both living in Charleston, South Carolina. Her husband, an Irish laborer, must have been a striking individual- he stood at an above average 6 feet in height, had blue eyes, brown hair and a light complexion. Within a year the couple’s first child arrived- John, born on 26th March 1852. A daughter Catherine followed on 23rd February 1854, second son James on 7th November 1856. John and Catherine were baptised in St. Mary’s in Charleston while James was baptised at the Cathedral of Saint John and Saint Finbar in the city. Sometime after James’ birth the family decided to move to New York. A third son, Cornelius, was born there on 30th June 1860, but tragedy left its mark on the family when the baby died just a few months later on 17th January 1861. Within the year Patrick enlisted in what would become the 63rd New York Infantry, soon to be one of the famed regiments of the Irish Brigade. When he mustered in on 11th October 1861 Ann had recently become pregnant with their fifth child; Sarah Ann was born on 4th May 1862. Patrick would most likely not have seen his new daughter, as he was bound for the Peninsula Campaign in Virginia and the hard-fighting that was to be the Brigade’s lot throughout the summer of 1862. It appears he was wounded at Antietam that September, but recovered to be with his regiment for their next major battle, the ill-fated assault on Marye’s Heights, Fredericksburg on 13th December 1862. The big Irishman went into the engagement holding the rank of Corporal, a highly reliable and well-respected member of the regiment. (1)

Saint John and Saint Finbar Cathedral, Charleston after it was destroyed by fire in 1861. Patrick and Ann Scanlan’s son James was baptised here in 1856 (Library of Congress)

As the 63rd New York and the Irish Brigade advanced on 13th December, Patrick Scanlan’s luck ran out. A bullet struck him in the right knee, lodging in the joint. It appears that efforts may initially have been made to save his leg, but infection set in. Removed to Lincoln Hospital in Washington, D.C., he underwent surgery on 26th December- his right leg was removed at the thigh. The shock of the amputation must have been colossal. On 1st January 1863 Patrick’s wound haemorrhaged, weakening the already dangerously ill soldier. When his wound again haemorrhaged on 6th January he was operated on once more, in an attempt to try to stem the bleeding in his inner thigh, an area known as Scarpa’s triangle. The surgeon’s efforts ultimately proved in vain. Patrick Scanlan died in Ward 10 of Lincoln Hospital on the evening of 14th January 1863, a month after receiving what proved his fatal wound at Fredericksburg. Minutes after his death, a man called William Duffie sat down to write a letter to the newly widowed Ann. He informed her of her husband’s death, offered words of comfort, and communicated Patrick’s final words to his family. Ann later had to surrender the letter as proof of her relationship with Patrick; the fact that her marriage had taken place in what was now the Confederacy meant she did not have access to the records that would allow her to show the authorities her relationship with the Irish Brigade soldier. With four children to support, she was forced to give up what must have been a cherished document. It has rested in her Widow’s Pension File for 150 years, and is here transcribed for the first time (2):

Ward 10

Lincoln Hospital Washington D.C.

Jan. 14th 1863

Mrs. Ann Scanlan,

Dear Madam- its become my very painful duty to inform you that your husband has just breathed his last. He died at 25 minutes to seven o’clock this evening without pain. As quietly as the infant sinks to rest from the bosom of its mother so peacefully did he breathe out his last sigh and resign his spirit into the hands of the God who gave it. I know how great will be your grief upon reception of this sad news but it is the will of God that it should be so and you must try and bear the bereavement with resignation, knowing that is not for you to question His right to do with His own as He sees fit: “The Lord gave and the Lord taketh away: blessed be the name of the Lord!” Every heart knoweth its own sorrow; and there is a grief which cannot be expressed in word, God alone has power to comfort you and to bind up your wounded and bleeding heart, in this your season of great distress; turn then to Heaven and may He who is the refuge of the weary- the hope of the sorrowing of earth, be with you and sustain you in this hour of trial and throw the arms of His everlasting salvation around you! Mr. Scanlan received the last rights of his religion this morning- the Sister, who has charge of this ward, has been constant in her attendance upon your husband and has done all in her power to alleviate his sufferings. I am not myself a Catholic and do not therefore understand the peculiarities of that faith, but Sister told me that the Priest had administered all the last rites necessary in such cases provided. The Priest has seen him several times and was present last Sunday morning and the Sacrament was I believe administered. It will be a great satisfaction to you to know that it is, as it is in this respect I have thought of the difference between the case of your husband and of another poor fellow who died recently and belonging to a different faith. He passed away without so much as having a Minister of Religion near him to breathe a prayer for the peace of his departing soul – such is the difference between the two religions. It has set me to thinking and I shall do so seriously I assure you after this. Your last letter was received, and I offered to write an answer knowing that you would naturally feel anxious to hear from him, but he said he’d wait a day or two first to see if there would be any change for the better. He felt sensible, I think, that his end was approaching for he requested me to make a note of his feelings at that time- this was yesterday forenoon, I think. He did not talk a great deal as it hurt him to do so much. “After I am dead, write to my wife and tell her that I died a natural death in bed, having received the full benefits of my church.” “Say that I felt resigned to the will of God and that I am sorry I could not see her and the children once more. That I would have felt better in such a case before I died. It is the will of God that it should not be so, and I must be content to do without.” This was about the substance of what he said. I read it to him and he said it was all that would be necessary to write. His pay amounts to some 6 1/2 months not having received any since the 1st of July. This of course you are entitled to draw and you can do so by getting some friend to assist you, understands about it. The few things in this letter are all his personal effects. The rest of his things letters & c. he said to burn- which will be done. I will close for the present.

I remain very truly your well wishes, William Duffie. If you wish to answer this, please direct to me Lincoln Hospital, Washington, D.C., Ward 10. (3)

The first page of William Duffie’s Letter to Ann Scanlan, informing her of her husband Patrick’s death (Fold3)

Ann would receive a pension for the service of her husband, and was also given aid for each of her surviving children until they reached the age of sixteen. Neither did Patrick’s comrades in the 63rd New York forget her. In a remarkable gesture the surviving men of the regiment held a collection to assist the widow and children of a man they had clearly been close to. Unusually the charitable effort was recorded in the New York Irish-American, along with the names of the men who gathered together a total of $100 for Ann and her children. Unfortunately her tribulations were not over. As so often seems to be the case, the spectre of death once again visited her family in 1863. On 6th August 1863 her youngest child Sarah Ann died, barely over a year old. It is unclear if the little girl had ever seen her father. One can only imagine the renewed anguish that this loss brought to Ann and her family. (4)

Lincoln Hospital as it appeared during the American Civil War. Corporal Patrick Scanlan died here, and William Duffie wrote from Ward 10 to inform Ann Scanlan of his last words (Library of Congress)

The charitable collection for Patrick Scanlan as recorded in the Irish-American is reproduced below, as is the ultimate fate of each of the men who contributed (recorded in parentheses after their donation):

GENEROSITY OF THE IRISH BRIGADE

New York, May 5th, 1863

To the Editors of the Irish-American: Your journal has often chronicled the deeds of the Irish Brigade on the battlefield. The fame of their daring and valor was spread and resounded over the whole extent of this continent, and even their very enemies have wafted it across the Atlantic and reechoed it throughout Europe. And what wonder? They have rendered every battle-field, where they have fought, memorable for some bold, unexpected, astonishing deed, won renown amidst disaster, and left the enemy, where they at least, happened to be, little cause for triumph or exultation. These things have often thrilled us through, and made us involuntarily speak a blessing and a prayer for the proud little cohort which shed such lustre on our race and land, and proved that the story of the prowess was no fiction. Such things as these excite our admiration and our pride. But the men of the Brigade do other things, which affect us to tears; they can prove themselves as kind-hearted and generous as they are brave. Standing again in the front, diminished in numbers, but not dismayed, and ready to interpose their bodies again between their country (for they have no other now) and the deadly thrusts of its destroyers, they rise above the tumult, the passion and horrors of war, and give way to the better impulses of their nature, the higher and nobler feelings of the heart. When at last, they receive their long looked for and much needed pay, their own wants alone are not uppermost in their minds; the memory of a dead comrade, and of his heroic deeds, comes back upon them, and they think of his widowed wife and orphan children. For them to conceive the generous deed, is to perform it, and as a proof of this, I enclose a note and a list of the names of the brave officers and men of the company of the deceased soldier, who contributed, it having accompanied the money remitted by Captain Condon, now commanding the 63d Regiment in front of the enemy. I know not whether I am doing exactly right in sending you the note and list of contributors for publication; but the amount sent (one hundred dollars) is so liberal, so generous, for so small a number of men, most of whom receive but a very small pittance in the way of pay, that I cannot help thinking that giving a place in your paper to so signal an act of generosity is as much due to the brave soldiers of the Brigade themselves, as it will be pleasing to your many readers to know about it. Patrick Barry [transferred to 24th Veteran Reserve Corps in 1864], another brave and generous soldier of Company A, 63d N.Y.V., sends to the “Limerick Fund” a contribution of two dollars, which I enclose, hoping you will be pleased to apply it, as you may deem fit, in accordance with the wish of the kind contributor.

Very respectfully yours, P.J.O. [Patrick J. O'Connor, First Lieutenant, Company E, discharged 28th May 1863]

ON PICKET NEAR SCOTT’S FORD, VA., April 2d, 1863

My Dear O.

You will please hand over the enclosed one hundred dollars to Mrs. Scanlan, widow of the late Patrick Scanlan, of my Company, who died from the effects of wounds received at the late battle of Fredericksburg. The generosity here displayed by the few remaining comrades of the gallant corporal towards his widow and orphans shows the estimation in which he was held by them, as also their own goodness of heart. He was beloved by all for his manliness and bravery. The officers whose names are attached were so well pleased with the action of the men in the affair that they have subscribed the sums set opposite to their names. In handing to Mrs. Scanlan the enclosed, please mention the honest and heartfelt expression of sympathy by the comrades of her husband in her bereavement.

I am, my dear O, very truly yours, P.J. Condon, Capt. [Captain Patrick J. Condon, Company G, mustered out 12th June 1863]

Sergeant Ed. Lynch, $5.00 [Mustered out with regiment, 30th June 1865]

Sergeant P.H. Vandewier $1.00 [Mustered out 12th June 1863]

Sergeant Wm. Hayden $5.00 [Mustered out 12th June 1863, later service Company I, 2nd Artillery]

Corporal James Cline $1.00 [Mustered out with regiment, 30th June 1865]

Corporal John Tinsley $1.00 [POW Chancellorsville, Mustered out 17th September 1864]

Corporal Hugh Hamilton $1.00 [Deserted on expiration of veteran furlough, January 1864]

Corporal Sam. Walsh $1.00 [Deserted on expiration of veteran furlough, January 1864]

Private Peter O’Neil $1.00 [Wounded at Spotsylvania, 18th May 1864, absent wounded at muster out in 1865]

Private James Smith $1.00 [Deserted 29th June 1863, Frederick, Maryland]

Private Charles Hogan $5.00 [Killed in Action, 2nd July 1863, Gettysburg, Pennsylvania]

Private Michaely Byrns $1.00 [Died of Disease, 20th February 1864, Douglas Hospital, Washington D.C.]

Private Patrick Power $1.00 [Deserted on expiration of veteran furlough, January 1864]

Private James Riely $5.00 [Wounded Antietam, Maryland; Killed in Action 5th May 1864, Wilderness, Virginia]

Private Patrick Collins $5.00 [Mustered out with regiment 30th June 1865]

Private James Crowe $2.00 [Wounded Antietam, Maryland; Transferred to Veteran Reserve Corps 23rd February 1864]

Private Richd. Hourigan $1.00 [Wounded Antietam, Maryland; Mustered out 16th September 1864, Petersburg, Virginia]

Private P. Pendergast $1.00 [No record after 10th April 1863]

Private John McCarthy $1.00 [Mustered out with regiment 30th June 1865]

Private Patrick Harkin $1.00 [Mustered out 22nd September 1864, New York City]

Private Patrick Lucy $1.00 [Mustered out with regiment 30th June 1865]

Private Anthony Campbell $1.00 [Deserted on expiration of veteran furlough, January 1864]

Private P.J. Lynch $2.00 [Discharged for Disability 9th February 1863?]

Hospital Steward John J. Corridon $1.00 [Mustered out with regiment, 30th June 1865]

Private James Guiney Company F $1.00

Dr. Lawrence Reynolds 63rd N.Y.V. $5.00 [Mustered out with regiment, 30th June 1865]

Dr. Smart $5.00 [Discharged 29th March 1864 to become Assistant Surgeon in U.S. Army]

Major Geo. A. Fairlamb 148th P.V. $5.00

Mr. Coleman, Sutler 63rd N.Y.V. $5.00

Captain Dwyer $5.00 [Wounded Antietam, Maryland; Mustered out 12th June 1863]

Captain Quirk $5.00 [Wounded Fredericksburg, Virginia; Mustered out 12th June 1863]

Lieutenant Ryan $1.00 [Mustered out 12th June 1863]

Lieutenant Gallagher $3.00 [Mustered out 12th June 1863]

Lieutenant Maher $2.00 [Mustered out as Captain, Company D, 30th June 1865]

Lieutenant Murray $5.00 [Mustered out 12th June 1863]

Captain Condon $12.00 [Mustered out 12th June 1863]

Total $100.00. (5)

Lincoln Park in Washington, D.C. This is the former site of Lincoln Hospital, where Corporal Patrick Scanlan died in January 1863 and where William Duffie wrote to his wife Ann (Wikipedia)

(1) Widow’s Pension File, New York AAG Report; (2) Medical and Surgical History: 797, Widow’s Pension File; (3) Widow’s Pension File; (4) Widow’s Pension File, New York Irish-American; (5) New York Irish-American;

References & Further Reading

Adjutant-General 1901. Annual Report of the Adjutant-General of the State of New York for the Year 1901.

Patrick Scanlan Widow’s Pension File WC83473.

New York Irish-American 23rd May 1863. Generosity of the Irish Brigade.

U.S. Army Surgeon General’s Office 1883. The Medical and Surgical History of the War of the Rebellion, Part 3, Volume 2 (3rd Surgical Volume).

Civil War Trust Battle of Fredericksburg Page

Fredericksburg and Spotsylvania National Military Park

Each month for much of the 1880s the octogenarian Timothy Durick travelled from his home in Lackamore, Castletownarra, Co. Tipperary to the nearby town of Nenagh. He made the journey to visit the Post Office and collect his pension, which was worth $8 U.S. Dollars. In order to secure the pension the elderly man had made a long journey across the Atlantic; the service which earned it had been that of his son, Jeremiah- a soldier of the Irish Brigade who’s story came to an end on the bloodiest day in American history. (1)

The Irish Brigade Monument at Antietam (Andrew Bossi- Wikimedia Commons)

Timothy Durick had been born around the year 1801. He married Mary Hogan in 1827 and the couple went on to have five children together. The dangers of childbirth were everpresent in this period, and Mary did not long survive the birth of their fifth child- Timothy became a widower at sometime during the early 1840s. The family were poor and there were few prospects in Ireland for the children. Timothy and Mary’s son Jeremiah had been born around 1835, and by the mid-1850s had decided that his future lay in the United States. (2)

As was so often the case with Irish emigrants, when Jeremiah went to America he chose to join people whom he already knew and who were originally from the Nenagh area. He settled in the town of West Rutland, Rutland County, Vermont, where he boarded with John Barrett, who had known him since he was a boy and had attended his mother’s funeral. There Jeremiah worked in the marble quarries, making sure to send his father in Ireland money whenever he could. (3)

Marble Mills in West Rutland, Vermont as they appeared c. 1915 (Wikipedia)

With the outbreak of the war, Jeremiah, who had found work sporadic in Vermont, decided to enlist in the army. The regiment he chose was the 88th New York Infantry, one of the units of the Irish Brigade. He mustered in as a Private in Company C on 28th September 1861, aged 26 years. A steady wage seems to have been one of Jeremiah’s key motivating factors in joining up, and his father back in Nenagh remained in his thoughts- at one point he sent $30 of his pay to Ireland via his brother John. (4)

Jeremiah served with the Brigade through the Peninsula before marching onto the field at Antietam on 17th September 1862. Captain William O’Grady of the 88th later described that regiments part in the action:

‘We forded the creek, by General Meagher’s orders, taking off our shoes (those who could, many were barefoot, and some, like the writer, were so footsore that they had not been able to take off their shoes, or what remained of them, for a week), to wring out their socks, so as not to incumber the men in active movements, and every man was required to fill his canteen…The bullets were whistling over us as we hurried past the general in fours, and at the double-quick formed right into line behind a fence. We were ordered to lie down while volunteers tore down the fence…Then, up on our feet, we charged. The Bloody Lane was witness of the efficacy of buck-and-ball at close quarters. We cleared that and away beyond…When our ammunition was exhausted, Caldwell’s Brigade relieved us, the companies breaking into fours for the passage as if on parade…By some misunderstanding, part of the Sixty-third New York with their colors were massed on our right for a few minutes, during which our two right companies, C and F, were simply slaughtered, suffering a third of the entire casualties of the regiment. (5)

Jeremiah Durick was one of the unfortunate members of Company C caught in this exposed position. He was killed on the field, one of 35 men of the regiment who lost their lives as a result of Antietam. Another 67 were wounded as the 88th New York lost, according to Lieutenant-Colonel Patrick Kelly, ‘one-third of our men.’ (6)

Confederate Dead in the Bloody Lane, Antietam, the Target of the Irish Brigade Attack (Library of Congress)

In April 1867 Jeremiah’s father Timothy, now 66-years-old, sought to secure a pension based on his son’s service. His previous efforts in this regard had been unsuccessful, and so  he made the journey across the Atlantic to Vermont to press his claim. Old friends from Nenagh who lived in Vermont, 40-year-old John Barrett (with whom Jeremiah had boarded) and 50-year-old John Gleason, gave evidence that Timothy had received upwards of $100 a year in financial support from his son. They also revealed that Timothy was very poor, had no property of any kind except his personal clothing and had no income or means of support except what he earned by manual labour. Timothy was reported to be in poor health and was unable to earn a living due to physical disability. A Dr. Backer Haynes in the town of Rutland also provided a statement to say he had examined Timothy, and found that he suffered from long-standing hypertrophy of the heart which had caused rheumatism in the back, right arm and right shoulder. These ailments rendered him ‘entirely incapable of earning a subsistence by manual labor’ and had done so for at least five or six years. Timothy’s pension application was approved in March 1868. (7)

An Extract of the Statements Provided by John Barrett and John Gleason for Timothy Durick (John Barrett could sign his name, John Gleason was illiterate so made his mark- Image via Fold3)

Timothy remained in Vermont for some time after securing his pension, living in Castleton. In November 1868 he sought to have the pension back-dated to the time of his son’s death in 1862, although it is unclear if he was successful. Timothy eventually made the journey back to his home in Tipperary and by 1883 was collecting his pension from Nenagh Post Office. Despite his ailments he lived well into his 80s, eventually passing away near Nenagh in 1887 at the age of 86. His son’s service, which had ended in Maryland on America’s bloodiest day, helped to provide vital financial assistance for an elderly man living out his final years a world away, in rural Co. Tipperary. (8)

Timothy Durick’s Mark from his November 1868 Application (Image via Fold3)

(1) Griffiths Valuation, Pensioners on the Roll:640; (2) Jeremiah Durick Widow’s Pension File; (3) Ibid. (4) Adjutant General Report: 42; Jeremiah Durick Wodow’s Pension File; (5) O’Grady 1902; (6) Phisterer 1912, Official Records: 298; (7) Jeremiah Durick Widow’s Pension File; (8) Ibid., Civil Registrations;

References & Further Reading

Government Printing Office 1883. List of Pensioners on the Roll January 1, 1883. Volume 5

Ireland Civil Registration Deaths Index, 1864-1958; Nenagh Registration District

Ireland Griffith’s Valuation, 1848-1864; Owney and Arra, Co. Tipperary

Jeremiah Durick Widow’s Pension File WC109831

New York Adjutant-General 1893. Annual Report of the Adjutant-General of the State of New York, Volume 31

Official Records of the War of Rebellion Series 1, Volume 19 (Part 1). Report of Lieut. Col. Patrick Kelly, Eighty-eighth New York Infantry, of the battle of Antietam

O’Grady, William 1902. ‘Historical Sketch of the 88th New York’ in New York Monuments Commission, Final Report on the Battlefield of Gettysburg.

Phisterer, Frederick 1912. New York in the War of the Rebellion

www.fold3.com

New York State Military Museum

Civil War Trust Battle of Antietam Page

Antietam National Battlefield Park

150 years ago, as 1864 dawned, the veteran volunteers of the Irish Brigade came home to New York. These men had come through some of the toughest battles of the war but had taken the decision to carry on the fight. Some were motivated by a desire to see the conflict out, while others were taking the opportunity of a financial bounty and thirty days leave- a chance to visit their loved ones and friends. For some it would be their last January. 

Officers of the 63rd New York Infantry with their Colors. This image was likely taken in late 1863 or early 1864 (Library of Congress)

The Irish American reported on the return of the veterans. The first to arrive were the men of the 63rd New York, who came back to the city on 2nd January:

On Saturday, of last week, the remnant of the 63rd Regiment, N.Y. Vols., Irish Brigade, reached this city under command of Col. R.C. Bentley, whose officers are Captains Touhey, Boyle and Brady, Adjutant McDonald, Surgeon Reynolds, and Lieutenants Lee and Chambers. Of the returned, one hundred men are reported as having re-volunteered for the next three years or the war; and besides these, as a nucleus for re-entering on active service, a Company, of over fifty men, has been left in the field on duty with the Army of the Potomac, under command of Captain Boyle.

On Monday the remnant of the 69th reached home, numbering some 75 men, under command of the gallant little Captain Moroney and his excellent assistants, Adjutant J.J. Smith, Lieuts., O’Neill, Mulhall, Brennan, Marser, Quarter Master Sullivan and Surgeon Purcell and were welcomed by Col. Nugent and Capt. McGee.

The 88th regiment (Mrs. General Meagher’s own regiment), may, it is said, be hourly expected, under command of Captain Ryder, of Co. B.

The regiments having re-volunteered for the war were sent home to recruit and reorganize, which their officers expect speedily to accomplish. Colonel Bentley has informed us that, from the success of preliminary steps taken by him throughout the State, he hopes to be very soon again filled up; and from the general popularity of the officers of the entire command, it is hoped an equal success will reward the recruiting officers throughout. (1)

David Power Conyngham related that on their arrival in the city ‘the sparse and grimy columns were escorted by a company or two of the Sixty-ninth militia, and the immediate relatives of the members.’ On Saturday 16th January at Irving Hall, past and present officers of the Brigade held a banquet for the veteran volunteers and disabled soldiers of the regiments. The men first assembled at the City Hall around noon, before marching up Broadway behind a military band and eventually into the banqueting room. Those veterans who had lost limbs and were unable to walk waited for the others in Irving Hall. Around 200 privates were seated at five tables extending down the length of the hall, while the NCOs occupied the top table under the stage, where a band entertained the diners. The flags of the Brigade, both old and new, adorned the walls and a military trophy with the name ‘Gettysburgh’ inscribed on it was placed in the centre of the Ladies’ Gallery. Many of the women in attendance wore ‘mourning weeds’, signifying their attachment to one the Brigade’s dead. Mr. Harrison, the proprietor of Irving Hall, served the dinner which was washed down with ale, cider and whiskey-punch. (2)

Irving Hall where the Irish Brigade Veterans held their Banquet in January 1864 (New York Public Library Record ID: 1788347)

When the meal had progressed sufficiently Sergeant-Major O’Driscoll, who was presiding over the banquet, called in the officers of the Brigade led by it’s former commander, Thomas Francis Meagher. Meagher addressed the men, and his speech was followed by a series of toasts and comments from other officers. Colonel Patrick Kelly of the 88th proposed remembrance of:

‘Our Dead Comrades- Officers and soldiers of the Irish Brigade- Their memory shall remain for life as green in our souls as the emerald flag, under which, doing battle for the United States, they fought and fell.’

This was followed by the playing of a dirge, after which Colonel Nugent of the 69th came forward, promising:

‘No negotiations, no compromises, no truce, no peace, but war to the last dollar and the last man, until every rebel flag be struck between the St. Lawrence and the Gulf, and swept everywhere, the world over, from land and sea.’

More toasts followed, including special mention for the Excelsior Brigade, before Barney Williams sang ‘The Bowld Soldier Boy.’ The Fenian leader John O’Mahony then spoke to the assembled audience, and everyone stood while a dirge was played in memory of the recently deceased General Michael Corcoran. The evening concluded with toasts to the health of Father Corby, the American Press, ‘Private Myles O’Reilly’ and a humorous speech by Captain Gosson. (3)

After the banquet the men returned to their furloughs and their final few days before returning to the war. Over 100 men of the 63rd New York Infantry had re-enlisted as Veteran Volunteers in December 1863. Despite their outward commitment, at least 13 of them chose to desert at the end of their leave period rather than return to the front. For those who did go back some of the hardest fighting of the war lay ahead, as the Irish Brigade went through the meat grinder of the Overland and Petersburg Campaigns. Some would not make it- at least 12 of the men of the 63rd who occupied Irving Hall in January 1864 died, falling in battles such as the Wilderness or in prisons like Libby and Andersonville. By the close of 1864 the Irish Brigade would be unrecognisable, as the horrors of war seemed to drag on and on with no end in sight.

(1) New York Irish-American 9th January 1864; (2) Conyngham 1867:435, New York Times 15th January 1864, New York Irish-American 23rd January 1864; (3) New York Irish-American 23rd January 1864;

References

New York Irish-American 9th January 1864. Return of the Irish Brigade

New York Irish-American 15th January 1864. The Irish Brigade. Banquet to the Non-Commissioned Officers and Privates

New York Times 15th January 1864. Banquet to the Re-Enlisted Veterans and Disabled Soldiers of the Irish Brigade

Conyngham, David Power 1867. The Irish Brigade and its Campaigns

New York Public Library Digital Collection Record ID: 1788347

I have been experimenting recently with different ways of visualizing the impact of the American Civil War. I am interested in how we can combine data recorded in the 19th century with some of the new digital tools available, in an effort to find new ways of engaging with this history and potentially reveal further insights into the war’s consequences and cost. Taking the 63rd New York Infantry of the Irish Brigade as a Case Study, I have been examining ways to visualize a regiment’s experience of the conflict.

Using the roster information of the 63rd from the New York Adjutant General’s report, I first exported the information on each man into a Microsoft Excel Spreadsheet. It is my intention in the long-term to use more sophisticated database tools, but in these early stages I was keen to find an easy to use program that converted the roster into interrogatable data. The rosters record 1,528 men as having served in the 63rd, with details that include information on aspects such as age at enlistment, date of enlistment as well as aspects such as desertion, wounding, death and discharge.

How then to map this information? For example, is it possible to visualize where the men of the 63rd New York encountered risk of injury and death? The rosters of the 63rd record instances of woundings or death in the regiment a total of 578 times. On 546 occasions this information is accompanied by location information. I decided to marry this data with latitude and longitude coordinates and place it in Google Fusion Tables. Unfortunately WordPress does not currently support embedding Fusion Table maps, so instead I have included some screenshots and supplied links to the full maps on the Google Fusion site.

The first map shows the different locations on the United States east coast where men of the 63rd New York were wounded or died. Some of these locations are battlefields, some the sites of hospitals, while others are Prisoner of War camps. To see the full version click here.

Screenshot of Google Fusion Table for 63rd New York, showing locations where members of the regiment died and were wounded between 1861 and 1865

A detailed view of the area of Virginia, Maryland and around Washington D.C. highlights costly battlefields for the 63rd, such as Antietam, Fredericksburg and The Wilderness, as well as the fighting further south associated with engagements of the Seven Days and at Cold Harbor and Petersburg. Important rear echelon areas such as Alexandria, Washington and Baltimore are also revealed.

Screenshot of Google Fusion Table for 63rd New York, detail of locations in Virginia, Maryland and Washington D.C. where members of the regiment died or were wounded

Although this mapping technique shows the different locations where men were wounded or died, it does not reveal the intensity of their experience at different locations. Using Google Fusion’s Heat Map function, areas where higher numbers of men died or were wounded are scaled by size and light intensity. The Heat Map scale moves from green to red, with the latter colour representing sites with the highest numbers of casualties. Looking at a satellite view of the eastern seaboard the parts of Virginia traversed by the Army of the Potomac during the war are immediately apparent; the green spots in North Carolina and Georgia showing deaths at Salisbury and Andersonville. To see the full version click here.

Screenshot of Google Fusion Table Heat Map, showing locations where members of the 63rd New York died or were wounded between 1861 and 1865, highlighting the intensity of losses in different locations

The regiment’s ordeal at Antietam on 17th September 1862 was far and away their worst experience of the war, when it sustained 202 casualties (183 of whom are recorded in the roster). Many men who were wounded here later died at Frederick, Maryland. A closer view of the Virginia, Maryland, Washington D.C. and southern Pennsylvania area clearly illustrates just how intense the 63rd’s losses were at Antietam, which is an intense red. Gettysburg is faintly visible across the state line in Pennsylvania, as are the battlefields which proved costliest for the regiment- Fredericksburg, The Wilderness, Spotsylvania, Cold Harbor and around Petersburg. The many who survived long enough to be removed from the field but who subsequently died are represented by the concentrations in cities such as Frederick, Washington D.C. and Alexandria.

Screenshot of Google Fusion Table Heat Map, showing detail of Virginia, Maryland, Washington D.C. and southern Pennsylvania, and highlighting the major battles (notably Antietam) where the 63rd New York suffered significant casualties

I have also mapped the locations where men from the 63rd New York were discharged as a result of wounds and disability, which you can view here. Many other types of data can be mapped in a similar fashion. There are numerous refinements to be carried out in my visualization efforts, but they do offer interesting potential for examining different aspects of the Irish experience of the conflict. Visualizations of data relating to the war and it’s consequences are being used to an ever greater degree; the University of Richmond’s excellent Visualizing Emancipation site is one fine example. When used correctly they can be powerful educational tools- hopefully in the future I will be able to bring you many more that are tailored to the Irish experience.

References

New York Adjutant-General 1901. Annual Report of the Adjutant-General of the State of New York for the Year 1901.

Around late April or early May of 1865 a photographer in Harewood Hospital, Washington D.C. exposed a photograph of a wounded Union soldier. The man, who still wore the beard he favoured on campaign, had been shot through the left shoulder during the fighting around Petersburg. His name was John Ruddy, an Irish farmer and sometime laborer who had been in the army for less than a month when he was hit. The images of Ruddy are testament to the realities of combat in the American Civil War. The effect of wounds such as these could also be long-lasting; the damage caused by the Minié ball that shattered Ruddy’s arm in 1865 would eventually kill him- three years later. (1)

Photograph of John Ruddy taken at Harewood Hospital following his wounding at the South Side Railroad on 2nd April 1865 (National Museum of Health and Medicine)

John Ruddy lived in Albany’s First Ward, making his home at 20 Clinton Street. He lived there with his wife Ann; she had also been born in Ireland and was already once widowed, having been married to Hugh Quinn with whom she had two sons. John and Ann married at St. John’s Catholic Church, Albany on the 6th October 1857. A daughter, Alice, followed on 5th November 1859. The 1860 Census records the family under the name ‘Rhody’. John, at that time working as a laborer, is listed with Ann, her two boys Bernard (10) and Thomas (8), and Alice (2). (2)

Photograph of John Ruddy taken following his operation at Harewood Hospital in 1865 (National Museum of Health and Medicine)

John enlisted in the Union army on 7th March 1865, perhaps motivated by economic factors and the large bounty then available for signing up. In his early thirties, he was a man of above average height, described as being a 6 foot tall former farmer with a light complexion, blue eyes and brown hair. He became a Private in Company A of the 63rd New York Infantry, Irish Brigade, and joined the regiment for the latter stages of the Petersburg Campaign. He was with the 63rd when it was ordered forward as part of the general Union assault of 2nd April 1865. The attack, which ultimately led to the capture of Petersburg and fall of Richmond, required the 63rd New York to advance against the South Side Railroad and capture it. Captain William Terwilliger, who commanded the regiment that day, describing their movements:

At 1 a.m. April 2 moved to left some three miles to join Sheridan’s cavalry. At 7 a.m. resumed the march, moving to the right to White Oak road, where we formed line of battle and moved upon the enemy’s works, finding them evacuated; continuing the march by the flank two miles and a half, reformed line of battle, and participated with the brigade in three charges upon the enemy’s defenses of the South Side Railroad. The losses in this engagement were, 1 commissioned officer killed, 1 commissioned officer and 6 enlisted men wounded, and 2 enlisted men missing in action. (3)

Surgeons and Hospital Stewards at Harewood Hospital, Washington D.C. (Library of Congress)

One of the six enlisted men wounded was John Ruddy. During one of the charges a rebel bullet had struck him in the left shoulder, completely shattering the head of his humerus before passing through his body and exiting his back through the scapula. He was quickly taken to Harewood Hospital in Washington D.C. where an operation removed a portion of his humerus but saved his arm, an achievement that was recorded photographically. He remained at Harewood until he was discharged from the service on 30th July, 1865. (4)

A General view of Harewood Hospital in Washington D.C. where John Ruddy was treated (Library of Congress)

John returned home to Albany, having seemingly come through his brush with death. Although he kept his arm, it was completely useless and he was forced to rely on a modest pension. Given the extent of his disability he decided to seek an increase; he was even able to produce one of the photographs of his wound taken in Harewood, an image that remains part of his pension file to this day. (5)

The image of John Ruddy that he provided when seeking an increase in his pension (Fold3)

Little did John realise that the bullet that struck him in the closing days of the war would ultimately prove fatal. It transpired that the ball had also passed through the upper part of his left lung on its passage through his body. As the months passed he began a long deterioration in health, which his doctor described as the ‘wasting away of his system’. On the 3rd June 1868 John Ruddy died, widowing his wife Ann for the second time and leaving behind an eight-year-old daughter. The photos of him taken in 1865, with what would prove to be his mortal wound, offer a rare opportunity to look into the face of one of the thousands of Irish emigrants who died in the American Civil War. (6)

John Ruddy, like many other Irish emigrants, was illiterate. Here is his mark on one of his pension applications (Fold3)

* Special thanks to Brendan Hamilton for his assistance in tracking down the source for the John Ruddy images.

(1) Widow’s Pension File; (2) Ibid., 1860 Federal Census; (3) Widow’s Pension File, Official Records: 728; (4) Widow’s Pension File; (5) Ibid.; (6) Ibid.;

References

1860 Us Federal Census

John Ruddy Civil War Widow’s Pension File WC117333

New York Adjutant-General 1901. Annual Report of the Adjutant-General of the State of New York for the Year 1901.

Official Records of the War of Rebellion Series 1, Volume 46 (Part 1). Report of Capt. William H. Terwilliger, Sixty-third New York Infantry. 

National Museum of Health and Medicine Flickr Page

www.fold3.com

For a number of weeks after Robert E. Lee’s surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia thousands of Union troops remained in the field in Virginia. During this period men often reflected on the past and the many comrades they had lost and looked forward to returning home. Meanwhile officers tried to keep the men occupied with drill and parade, something often resented by veteran troops. I recently came across a fascinating letter dealing with this period from a member of the Irish Brigade. In it Private John Hall demonstrates the close bond felt between recruits who joined the Brigade in January 1864 and discusses how few of that group emerged unscathed. 

Officers of the 63rd New York Infantry (mainly Company A) in June 1865 (Library of Congress)

Camp near Burkesville [sic.] Va.

April 30th 1865

Friend Patrick,

Yours came to hand this morning in which I am glad to find you in good health as this leaves me thanks to God. Friend Patrick I see by yours you are sorry you cannot come to your regiment. You are better remain on Hart Island NY than come here either in peace or war. It is true we have peace with the South but our Brigade Colonel Robert Nugent does not give us much peace. Roll call at 5 am, drill from 9-11 am, drill from 2 to 4 pm, dress parade 5 am [sic.], Taps at 8 pm with plenty of fatigue guards and picquets. Friend Patrick, we are 4 miles outside the above station in camp in a wood convenient to the Danville rail road where we picquet to prevent persons from leaving said road and do not know what hour we may be sent to [illegible] parts of the country to guard. But as for home we hear nothing about it as for Colonel Gleason he is under arrest this long time and is of opinion he will be cashiered. His brother Joe is well and holds the rank of Captain. Friend Patt theres only 8 of us that left Hart Island NY here at present out of our fine company. But Corporal Christopher McClellan was exchanged from Rebel prison and is gone on to Annoppolis [sic.] Md. Also there are 6 of our men from our regiment made their escape from Salisbury North Carolina and joined us a few days ago they tell us that our Dear friend John Wallace died on our about they [sic.] 21st day of October 64 at Salisbury North Carolina from starvation. May God in his mercy have mercy on his soul and may heaven be his reward for his many sufferings from August 25th to October 21st 64 while in Rebel prison. Friend Patt you can tell his poor wife Mary Wallace of her husbands death, may God comfort her and she can apply to the State Agent to forward her claims to the War Department as we announced her husband [sic.] death on the muster rolls of the 30th April 65 this days muster rolls for the last 2 months we also will forward his final statements on tomorrow to the War Department by consent of Joseph Gleason Captain Comdg. D. Co. This friend Patrick is all we can do in memory of our beloved countryman and most particular friend may his soul rest in peace. Amen.

Friend Patrick if you can remain in New York or on Hart Island as we are opinion our Brigade will be kept for our term of service. Hoping you will remain in good health until the expiration of our service until we unite happily as we did before. I close by sending to poor Mrs. Wallace my sympathy in her sorrow, hoping the Lord will comfort her as he see fit to call her dear husband to himself. I join in sending you and friend Gleason my best respects,

I remain your friend and brother soldier

John Hall, D Company, 63d Regt NY V. Vols

Washington D.C.

P.S. Dear Patrick, if you write again to me omit the word Seargent, if you please- your friend, John Hall. (1)

Colonel Robert Nugent and staff in June 1865 (Library of Congress)

Individuals Mentioned in the Letter

The letter writer, John Hall, mustered into Company D of the 63rd New York on the 20th January 1864 at the age of 23. He had been wounded in action at Petersburg on 16th June 1864. John mustered out with the regiment at Alexandria two months after he wrote this letter, on 30th June 1865. (2)

The recipient is not identified beyond his first name ‘Patrick’, but is almost certainly Patrick Slattery. He mustered into Company D of the 63rd New York on the 21st January 1864 at the age of 20 and mustered out on 9th May 1865 at Hart’s Island, New York. (3)

John Wallace mustered into Company D of the 63rd New York on the 21st January 1864 at the age of 24. He had not been in the United States for long when he enlisted, having married his wife Mary O’Connor in Killarney, Co. Kerry on 15th November 1862. Captured at the Battle of Ream’s Station on 25th August 1864, he is recorded as having died of pneumonia at Salisbury, North Carolina on 8th November 1864. (4)

Joseph Gleason mustered in as Second Lieutenant in Company D of the 63rd New York on 5th April 1864 at the age of 19. He was promoted to Captain of the Company on 5th April 1864 and was discharged on 27th April 1865. (5)

Christopher McClellan mustered into Company D of the 63rd New York as a Private on 25th January 1864. Promoted to Corporal, he was captured at the Battle of Ream’s Station on 25th August 1864. He was recorded as having escaped from prison in Salisbury North Carolina and rejoined his Company 17th May 1865. He mustered out with the regiment on 20th June 1865 in Alexandria, Virginia. (6)

John Hasset Gleason from Borrisoleigh in Co. Tipperary was Joseph’s older brother. He had served in the Papal Wars of 1860. He fought with the 69th New York State Militia at Bull Run before becoming an officer in the 63rd New York in 1861 at the age of 21. He rose to become Lieutenant-Colonel of the regiment on 19th September 1864. Brevetted a Major-General on 13th March 1865 he was also heavily involved in the Fenian movement. The reason for his arrest is unclear, but he was dismissed on 18th May 1865. (7)

Robert Nugent from Kilkeel in Co. Down was Lieutenant-Colonel of the 69th New York State Militia and later became the Colonel of the 69th New York Volunteer Infantry. Wounded at Fredericksburg, he was Provost Marshal for the southern district of New York during the 1863 draft riots. He helped to rebuild the Irish Brigade and eventually led it. He was brevetted a Brigadier-General on 13th March 1865. He returned to service in the regular army after the conclusion of the Civil War. (8)

(1) John Wallace Widow’s Pension File; (2) New York AG 1901: 73; (3) New York AG 1901: 173; (4) New York AG 1901: 189, John Wallace Widow’s Pension File; (5) New York AG 1901: 66; (6) New York AG 1901: 116; (7) New York AG 1901: 65, Hunt & Brown 1990: 233; (8) Hunt & Brown 1990: 451;

References

John Wallace Widow’s Pension File WC77334

Hunt, Roger D. and Brown, Jack R. 1990. Brevet Brigadier Generals in Blue

New York Adjutant-General 1901. Annual Report of the Adjutant-General of the State of New York for the Year 1901.