Patrick Kelly emigrated from Co. Galway to Boston with his parents. In 1861 he enlisted in the 28th Massachusetts Infantry, an Irish regiment that ultimately served in the Irish Brigade. During his service he wrote frequently to his parents at home in Boston; the letters portray a young man who was a lover of music and reading, a volunteer soldier fiercely proud of his regiment and its Irish affiliations. Thanks to work currently underway at the National Archives to scan pension files*, it is now possible for us to hear the voice of this young Galwegian across 150 years of history. (1)

Martin and Mary Kelly were married in Ballinasloe, Co. Galway on 29th November 1840. Their son Patrick was born in Ireland soon afterwards, and was followed by at least one younger brother, John. The family made their home in Boston’s 7th Ward and in the 1860s lived at 3 Sturgis Place in the city. By 1860 Patrick had followed the path many of his countrymen had taken in Massachusetts, entering the leather working trade by becoming an apprentice shoemaker. His parents would come to rely on him for support; Patrick’s father Martin, a fruit dealer by trade, had suffered an injury that left him with a severe limp. Although only in his early forties by the outbreak of war, Martin was restricted to selling apples on the street during fine weather- pain in his leg brought on by inclement conditions drove him inside for much of the year. (2)

With the outbreak of war Patrick had his first opportunity to contribute a meaningful amount of money to his parents upkeep (having been an apprentice prior to 1861). He did this by enlisting in the army. Clearly he was also eager to do his bit to preserve the Union. Patrick enlisted in the army on 16th November 1861- although he was recorded as 22-years-of-age, he was undoubtedly somewhat younger. On 13th December 1861 Patrick Kelly mustered into Federal service as part of Company G, 28th Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry. Less than a month later he was writing to his parents from the regiment’s training camp at Fort Columbus, New York. (3)

An aerial view of Fort Jay, formerly Fort Columbus, where Patrick Kelly was training with the 28th Massachusetts Infantry (Library of Congress)

Head Quarters 28th Regim.

Fort Columbus Jan 15th ’61 [sic.]

Dear Parents,

I now take the opportunity off letting you know that I arrived safe at my port of destination and had as pleasant a pasage as circumstances allowed. We got payed off the day after coming to Fort Columbus. I got $19.50 cts. we did not get payed for this month at all. So I enclose $15 in this letter as that is as much as I can send now. Next I [will] send all my pay as I will not need it after this. This time I owed the sutler 1.25 and then we were asked to give as much as we pleased to the Captain and the Lieutenants to buy revolvers so I gave 1$ as well as the rest. We have easy times in our knew quarters but we are poorly accomadated as our quarters are too small but we expect to be better fixed by and by. The Colonel said when we came here and said he would bring his men back to Boston again so we expect better room, we are too crowded that[s] all the matter with us. We are in good has [health?] an appetite that would eat a horse. Jimy Naphin is the Corporal off our mess Jim has to do all the jawing for his mess. He is the best one in the place we have plenty and [in] our mess when others are fighting for theirs. Time is precious at present while I write I send my love to John and tell him I am a soger. Tell him I may be home before him. Send my best respects to Mr and Mrs Burns and the children and tell Lary O Gaff I will shoot Jeff Davis on a sour apple tell send my bests respects to Mrs [and] Mr Guinen and to Hubert and to all enquiring friends no more at present from your affectionate son,

Patrick Kelly.

Direct your letter to Patrick Kelly Compy G 28th Regiment

Fort Columbus NY (4)

‘Jimy Naphin’ was a close friend of Patrick’s in the company. Recorded as ‘James Naphan’, he enlisted as a 22-year-old shoemaker on 3rd October 1861, mustering in on 13th December 1861. He was discharged on 18th December 1864 and later served in the 2nd Battery Massachusetts Light Artillery where he is listed as ‘James Maphin.’ The Massachusetts State Census of 1865 shows that the Guinens lived beside the Kellys. In 1865 the family included Stephen, a 47-year-old tailor, his 40-year-old wife Mary and their children Hubert, a 17-year-old shoemaker and Elizabeth, a 20-year-old with no stated profession. It is unclear if ‘Larry O’Gaff’ refers to an actual individual or a song-  it was the name of a popular comic tune at the time that charts Larry’s adventures working in England and during the Napoleonic Wars- for a sample of some of the lyrics see here. The reference to shooting ‘Jeff Davis on a sour apple’ refers to the lyrics ‘We’ll hang Jeff Davis from a Sour Apple Tree’ which were often sung as a verse in the famous song ‘John Brown’s Body’ (see the lyrics of that version here). (5)

Jefferson Davis shown hanging from a ‘Sour Apple Tree’ in Harper’s Weekly (Library of Congress)

Head Quarters 28th Regim,

Fort Columbus N.Y. Januy. 19 1862

Dear Parents,

I received the letter you wrote and it gave me great pleasure to know that you received it. I hope that you are better off that cold you had if not before now I hope you will be. I am still in good health at present you asked me how long we would be on the island, thats a thing I can’t say but I don’t think we will leave it before April so Pat Hoben says, he is one off our teamsters. You need not be in a wory about coming out to see me i’ll be back in Boston after the war with the help off God. So you need not [be] foolish spending money. The next time you write let me know if you receive any money from the State I don’t need much at present but you can send that box iff you want to and I should like you would [send] a guitar and some song books if you can get the guitar cheap. I will send $20 home the first off March iff we get payed. We have good easy times at present nothing to do and plenty to eat. I tell you what it is a fine thing to be a Faugh for they are bound to clear the way. Jeff Davis clear the way as the crazy sargent sung the other night. The fire that blazed from Emmets Patriotic eye shall lead us to our victory. So said the bard when Cass left for the seat off war. I can’t think off anything else only that [the] boys are all well. O’Brien and Kileen and Jimmy sends their best respects to you send my love to Mr and Mrs Gafney and to all the neigbors and tell Tom I won’t get shot in the back. 

No more at present from your ever affectionate Son,

Patrick Kelly.

Just as I was writing this letter the Pilot you sent came in.

You do not direct the letter right our Company is not H it is G then direct it to Compy G. (6)

24-year-old Pat Hoben enlisted on 7th December 1861 when he was working as a teamster. Mustered into service on 13th December 1861, he was killed in action on 30th August 1862 at the Second Battle of Bull Run, Virginia. Patrick O’Brien was a 24-year-old shoemaker who enlisted on 1st October 1861 and mustered into service on 13th December 1861. He died of disease at Beaufort, South Carolina on 8th July 1862. Patrick Killian had enlisted as a 30-year-old shoemaker on 30th December 1861, he was discharged for disability on 29th June 1863. The reference to State aid is the financial support promised by Massachusetts to the dependent family’s of those who had enlisted. The reference to being a ‘Faugh’ relates to the motto ‘Faugh A Ballagh’ meaning ‘Clear the Way.’ Originally the motto of the Royal Irish Fusiliers, it was used in reference to numerous Irish regiments and was also adopted by the 28th Massachusetts Infantry. The song sung by the crazy Sergeant containing the lyrics ‘Jeff Davis Clear the Way’ and ‘The fire that blazed from Emmets Patriotic Eye’ is the song Fág an Bealac which was written for the 28th Massachusetts. You can listen to a version of this song below. The Cass referred to in the letter is Colonel Thomas Cass, commander of the first Irish Massachusetts regiment raised, the 9th Infantry. The Boston Pilot was the leading Irish-American newspaper in the city. (7)

A version of the song Fág an Bealac that Patrick Kelly remembered being sung in the camp of the 28th Massachusetts in early 1862.

Hilton Head

South Carolina

Feb 26th 1862

Dear Parents,

I now take my pen in hand to let ye know that I am in good health and arrived safe at my port of destination we have good health and good weather, we were 8 days on the boat let me know if you get State aid and how much. I want for nothing we expect to get payed next week I have very little time to write, this this climate agrees with me. Farewell for a while no more at present from your Aff. Son,

Patrick Kelly.

Direct your letter to me Hilton Head, South Carolina, 28 Regt., Company G (8)

Hilton Head May 1st 1862

Dear Parents,

I now take the opportunity of writing to you hoping these few lines will find you in good health. I send home 15$ to you ,the State treasurer will notify you of it I have not much time to write now but I am in good health so is all the boys. I would like your likeness mother, remember me to all the neighbors. No more at present from your Aff. Son,

Patrick Kelly. (9)

The Army Wharf at Hilton Head, South Carolina as it appeared in 1862 (Library of Congress)

July 18th 1862

New Port News Virginia

Dear Parents,

I received your letter which gave me great pleasure to hear from you. I got your likeness the same day I got the letter and I got the other things you sent. When we came to Hilton Head after the battle the Regt got payed on the way here and I went and put mine in a tin box I had in my packed [sic.]. I was waiting for the crowd to clear away so that I could give it to the Major to send home before any temptation might cross me on land. Well I went aloft on the ships mast and sat down their [sic.], well I was sitting their about 5 minits when I took out my pocket handkerchief to wipe my face never thinking of the box, when I suppose I puled it out and that was the last I seen of the $26 since then. I know no one I keep by myself. Let me know if you got the 15$ I sent home in a letter. I have no more time to write now. No more at present,

From your son,

Patrick Kelly. (10)

The battle that Patrick is referring to is Secessionville, South Carolina (you can read about it here). He wrote this on the day the 28th docked at Newport News on their return from the Deep South.

Camp 28th Regt. Mass. Vol. Irish Brigade near Falmouth Va. Nov. 27th 1862

Dear Parents,

I now take the opportunity of writing to you hoping to find you in good health as these few lines leaves me in at present thank God. I received your letter and although I am hard up for writing material I cannot send for them now, for I would never get them for we are always on the march. We now lay opposite Fredericksburg, the rebels hold the city and we are on the other side. We don’t know the minuet [sic.] we will be called on to cross the river or start off some way else. We joined the Irish Brigade about one week ago, the Brigade gets as much beef as the [w]hole corps. Faugh a Ballagh is the war cry and no turn back. Of course we will cross the river first but no mater trust to Irelands bold Brigade to clear the road. We did not get payed yet I think we soon will. To day is thanksgiving I hope we will be in winters quarters before Christmas so that you can send me a Christmas dinner. Patrick Killeen is tip top he is driving a team now and gets 25 cts a day extra but he will soon be back again, for we left the 9th army corps so all the detailed men had to come back. Me and him slept together and fought side by side and he never got a scratch. Mike Ney was taken prisoner at Bull Run. The first voley that was fired at us he ran away and hid in the woods so when the army left he was caught, I don’t know how true well thats what some of the boys said. He is now at Camp Chase Ohio. The last time we were here we left our knapsacks behind us so we never got one of them and I left Longfellows works in the knapsack. The government would not make the articles good except the overcoat. I want Father the next letter he writes to write off the song called Mary Le More I want to learn it. I have the same prayer book I carried from home I will carry that home safe. If their is any signs of going in to winter quarters I will let you know. Let me know how times is and how dear is things I will send home 45$ when I get payed that is 4 months pay if they dont pay us untill January I will send home 70$ let me know if you got the State aid yet.

Give my love to all the neighbors,

Direct your letter to me Compy G 28th Regt Mass Vol

Washington D.C.

2d Army Corps

No more at present from

Your Aff. Son,

Patrick Kelly. (11)

The 28th Massachusetts had originally been intended to form one of the Irish Brigade’s regiments from the outset, but in the end did not join Meagher’s formation until November 1862. Mike Ney had enlisted as a 30-year-old teamster on 4th November 1861 and was mustered into service on 13th December 1861. He was reported missing at the Battle of Chantilly, Virginia on 1st September 1862. Later he would be captured at Bristoe Station, Virginia on 14th October 1863, being exchanged on 26th November 1864. He mustered out of service on 19th December 1864. Soldiers were ordered to leave their knapsacks behind upon going into action, and often lost everything in them as a result. The book Patrick mourns was the works of famous American poet Henry Wadsworth Longfellow. The song ‘Mary Le More’ was an Irish eviction song about an encounter with a mad woman- you can read the lyrics of the song here. (12)

Patrick was writing from the Union army camp at Falmouth Virginia, probably from quarters not dissimilar to these of the 110th Pennsylvania Infantry (Library of Congress)

Camp near Falmouth Va Jan 24th 1863

Dear Parents,

I now take the opportunity of writing to you hopping to find ye in good health as this leaves me in at present thanks be to God for his mercy. I received the letter you sent me and I sent you $40 by the paymaster he will give it to the adams express and they will forward it to you. I did not pay the express as the paymaster would not take any it is in an envelope. I am very sory for Lizzie Murray the 37th N.Y. ain’t near us so me nor Terry Mitchell can’t see Kervan?. Terry wants to know if it was in Boston you seen Mike Murray. Well I have to write a letter to Maggie Burns so I will finish by sending all the neighbors my best respects.

No more at present,

From your Aff. Son,

Patrick Kelly. (13)

The Adams Express Company was a common way of sending money home during the Civil War. Terry Mitchell had enlisted and mustered on 5th January 1862 at the age of 38, he had been a carpenter before the war. He was promoted Corporal in May/June 1862, Sergeant on 1st January 1863 and was mustered out on 19th December 1864. The 37th New York were another Irish regiment, the ‘Irish Rifles’. It is unclear who is being referred to here. (14)

Falmouth Va. April 27th 1863

Dear Parents,

I received the letter which ye sent me I am glad to hear that ye are all well as these few lines leaves me in at present thanks be to God for his mercy to me. I sent $30 home by the priest you will get by Adams ex. you muse excuse me for not sending home as much as I did before, but our clothing money for the year was stopped. What was stoped from me was nothing in comparison to others and we raised a subscription for the relief of Ireland and sent it to Donahoe. Killeen is gone to the Lincoln hospital Washington. 4 Regts of the Brigade is gone to Kelly Ford to relieve some of the 5th Corps and our Regt is gone down to the river to do picket duty I think we will go to the rear yet but if we don’t we are able to do our duty in the field as we have always done it. Yes I get [got] the papers ye sent I hope this summer will end the war I will go see Mr Murphy in Co. I but he is on picket now. So I have no more at present only give my best respects to all the neighbors.

No more at present,

From your Aff. Son,

Patrick Kelly.

PS I sent my likeness yeasterday. (15)

The Mr. Murphy is possibly Martin Murphy, who enlisted as a 42-year-old teamster on 26th November 1861. Wounded at Fredericksburg he was discharged for wounds on 2nd May 1863. The Relief Fund efforts of 1863 have been the topic of numerous posts on the site and you can read more about them here.

Sketch of an engagement at Kelly’s Ford in November 1863. Patrick Kelly would be on picket duty here the following month with the 28th Massachusetts (Library of Congress)

Patrick Kelly was a Corporal at the Battle of Fredericksburg, and although he makes no mention of it in these letters he was reportedly wounded there. The young Galwegian presumably fought at Chancellorsville and Gettysburg with the 28th Massachusetts, but his promise to send his likeness to his family is the last letter in his file. A few months later, on 3rd December 1863, Patrick was on picket duty at Kelly’s Ford when he was shot and killed. Tragically it would appear that his brother John had predeceased him. These letters were included in his mother Mary’s pension application file in 1864, in order to prove that Patrick had regularly sent her money. She received a pension until her death in 1894- her husband Martin had predeceased her. The letters she saved now provide an insight into the character and experiences of her young son during the conflict.

Note re Letter Transcription: I have kept the spelling in the letters largely as it appears in the originals, with some slight adjustments to avoid any confusion on the part of the reader. Punctuation and paragraphs were largely absent from the originals and in most instances have been added for ease of reading by a modern audience.

*None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) Patrick Kelly Widow’s Pension File; (2) Ibid.; (3) Ibid.; Massachusetts Soldiers, Sailors and Marines: 242; (4) Patrick Kelly’s Widow’s Pension File; (5) Massachusetts Soldiers, Sailors and Marines: 243, 1865 Massachusetts Census, Williams 1996: 73; (6) Patrick Kelly’s Widow’s Pension File, Massachusetts Soldiers, Sailors and Marines: 241-43; (8) Patrick Kelly’s Widow’s Pension File; (9) Ibid.; (10) Ibid.; (11) Ibid.; (12) Massachusetts Soldiers, Sailors and Marines: 243; (13) Patrick Kelly’s Widow’s Pension File; (14) Patrick Kelly’s Widow’s Pension File; (15) (16) Massachusetts Soldiers, Sailors and Marines: 257;

References

Patrick Kelley Widow’s Pension File WC22521

Massachusetts State Census 1865

Massachusetts Adjutant General’s Office 1932. Massachusetts Soldiers, Sailors and Marines in the Civil War. Volume 3.

Williams, W.H.A. 1996. ‘Twas Only an Irishman’s Dream: The Image of Ireland and the Irish in Popular American Song Lyrics, 1800-1920.

Folklorist.org

Traditionalmusic.co.uk

The Witnesses to History series aims to connect an object or document which still exists today with the story of the people behind the item. Following the first post, which featured the 170th New York Bounty List, I was contacted by reader Cathy Nicholls in England. Some 40 years ago in Brooklyn, Cathy had purchased a most beautiful bone object which referenced a soldier of the Irish Brigade, William Higgins. Cathy had never been able to find out much about William, and had often wondered what his fate had been. Intrigued, I sought to find out more about this man and his family, and by so doing uncover the story of the people behind the pendant- and what became of them.

The William Higgins Pendant. Obverse to left, Reverse to right (Arrangement by Sara Nylund after original photograph by Cathy Nicholls)

The front or obverse of the bone pendant bears the symbol the United States and of Ireland, while the obverse gives us  the soldier’s details- Wm Higgins, Co. I, 69th Regt N.Y.V. Irish Brig. It is attached by a ring to a perforated 3 cent piece. I would be interested to hear from readers who may have come across any similar items; was it purely a decorative object to mark William’s membership of the Brigade, or was it intended for use as an Identity Disc? Was it made for him or did he produce it by his own hand? Whatever the circumstances, more than 150 years after it was created, it serves as a lasting physical reminder of this man’s life- perhaps the only one that still exists today.

What then of the owner? William Higgins was born in Ireland- it has as yet not been possible to establish where. On 20th June 1847 he married Irishwoman Hannah McAuliff in Hartford, Connecticut. The 1860 Census shows the couple had by then moved to New York, where they lived in District 1 of the 19th Ward. William is listed as a 35-year-old day laborer, with his wife Hannah (39) and three daughters- Eliza (11) and Margaret (9) – both born in Connecticut (Margaret on 10th May 1851 in Middletown)- and Hannah (2), who had been born on 27th November 1857 in New York. It is possible the couple had at least one other daughter, Mary, born around 1850, but if so she did not survive. (1)

William began his military career on 4th January 1862 when he mustered in as a Private in Company I of the 69th New York Infantry. Although he is recorded as having been 30 at the time, he was probably a few years older. William was transferred to Company A of the regiment on 12th June 1863, shortly before the Battle of Gettysburg. This provides an interesting timeline for the production of the bone pendant; it can only have been made in these 18 months when he was a member of Company I- perhaps ordered or fashioned in the early months of 1862, as the Irish Brigade completed its training and prepared to go into action for the first time that summer. (2)

William spent less than a year in Company A before being again transferred, this time to Company F, in early 1864. It was with that Company that he marched off to begin the Overland Campaign with the Army of the Potomac. The last mention of William Higgins was when he was reported missing in action on 5th May 1864 at the Battle of the Wilderness. What happened to him? (3)

In 1865 Hannah Higgins began the application process to receive a Widow’s Pension based on her husband’s service. Writing from her then home at 749 Second Avenue, New York, she had one major problem- William’s body had never been recovered. All she knew was that he had never been seen again after the Wilderness. Hannah turned to one of her husband’s former comrades, Denis Cleary, for help. Denis had also been a Private in the 69th New York at the battle. He remembered seeing William go down during the fight, struck by a bullet in the right groin. He recalled how he ‘saw said Higgins shot…he standing along side of him at the time and also saw Higgins after the action while the U.S. forces were retreating…Higgins was then lying on the ground in a helpless condition…a few moments after the woods were set on fire and the grass and brush in the vicinity was burned consuming the bodies of many of the wounded.’ (4)

The dense undergrowth and tinder dry conditions of The Wilderness had created one of the most gruesome events of the entire American Civil War. Many veterans of the battle would later recall the plight of wounded men, caught helpless in the face of an advancing tide of fire that would eventually engulf them. One of the soldiers doomed to such an unimaginably horrible fate was William Higgins.

Hannah Higgins would received a pension based on her husband’s service until her death in 1892. It seems likely that the bone pendant, perhaps left at home during a furlough sometime after William had changed Company, was passed on to one of William’s daughters. It would eventually find its way to an auction house where it caught Cathy Nicholls eye, leading her to purchase it. That decision would ultimately lead to the discovery of the Higgins family story. William’s pendant is one of the most attractive Civil War era objects I have come across- the horrific end experienced by the man who once owned it one of the most sobering. (5)

Battlefield Artist Alfred Waud’s depiction of Union attempts to save the wounded caught in The Wilderness fires (Library of Congress)

*Very special thanks to Cathy Nicholls for bringing this object to my attention and for her permission to reproduce images of it here.

**None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) Widow’s Pension File, 1850 Census, 1860 Census; (2) NYAG Report; (3) NYAG Report; (4) Widow’s Pension File; (5) Ibid.;

References & Further Reading

US Federal Census 1850

US Federal Census 1860

New York Adjutant General. Annual Report of the Adjutant General of the State of New York for the Year 1893. 

William Higgins Widow’s Pension File WC96262

Fredericksburg and Spotsylvania National Military Park

Civil War Trust Battle of The Wilderness Page

As some readers will be aware I am currently working on a long-term project identifying and transcribing the letters of Irish and Irish-American soldiers contained within the Civil War Widows & Dependents Pension Files. This work has already identified large numbers of previously unpublished letters of Irish soldiers, which I intend to prepare for ultimate publication. One of the most interesting I have come across so far are those written by a soldier of the Irish Brigade after Fredericksburg. Given that today is the 152nd anniversary of that engagement, I thought I would share it here for the first time. It was written by Tipperary native William Dwyer of the 63rd New York, more than a month after the battle. He had written other letters (now lost) to his mother that December, but it is clear from his January 1863 correspondence that the action was still having a deep emotional impact on him. William was also clearly angry that the Brigade were not being sent home to refit, something which he attributed to anti-Irish prejudice. Although he survived Fredericksburg, William ultimately succumbed to disease at City Point, Virginia on 12th July 1864.

The Stone Wall at the base of Marye’s Heights, Fredericksburg, the target of the Irish Brigade Assault (Library of Congress)

Camp near Falmouth Va

January 23^d 1863

Dear Mother,

I take the opportunity of writing these few lines to you hoping to find you and my sisters in good health as this leaves me in at present thank God for it. Dear Mother I am sending you forty dollars $40 now we got paid on yesterday and all we got was four months pay $52 dollars and I am sending you 40 and we expect to get pa[i]d the other two next month. The[y] owed us seven months and gave us only four. I owed the sutler three dollars for tobbacco and I gave the priest one dollar so Dear Mother I will send you twenty more when we get paid again. We have log houses built for the winter for our selves but we dont know how long we will be left in them we expect to leaves them every day. Dear Mother tell Julia Greene that I have not see Mike since the Battle of Fredericksburgh only once and let me know if he is moved away because his Regt expected to got to Washington he was camped 8 miles from me when I seen him last. Dear Mother I wrote an answer to you on the 31^st of December last and I got no answer from you yet and I had no way of writing sooner untill I got paid and you might write to me any how even since if you did not get or not. Dear Mother it is very cold out here and on Christmas day it snowed terrible and I was on picket on the banks of the Rappahannock River all day and night with only half a dozen hard crackers and a piece of raw pork for the Day and night.

Dear Mother we are expecting an other fight in Fredericksburgh some of these days but I dont want to see any more for to see all the men that fell there on the 13^th of decr last it was heart rending sight to see them falling all around me.

Tell Mrs Smith that Johnny Mc Gowan is well and in go[o]d health and Tommy Trainors mother also he is well and in good health. Dear Mother we thought surely that our brigade was going home to New York that time but we were kept back and would not be let go in account of we being Irish. In the three old Regts we have only 250 for duty when we ought to have 3000 men for duty so we thought when we were so small that we would be sent home to fill up but who ever lives after the next battle can go home because it is little will be left of us.

No more at present,

From you aff son

William Dwyer

63^d Regt N.Y. Vol

Co H Irish Brigade

Washington D.C.

Or elsewhere

 Answer this as soon as you can I never got the box that you said uncle Charley sent me if he sent whiskey in it it was all broke box and all kept.

Give my best respect to uncle Charley uncle James aunt Mary and children the two Mrs Kells  Mary McAlamey Mrs Delany Mrs Gallaher and their families

James Lodge and family

Also to Pat Fogarty

Jer Fitzpatrick

The Camp of the 110th Pennsylvania, Falmouth, Winter 1862. William Dwyer wrote home from a similar camp in Falmouth (Library of Congress)

The fact that William felt the brigade was being kept at the front because they were Irish is an interesting one. It feeds into a belief, current after the carnage of 1862, that the Irish were being used as cannon fodder by prejudiced ‘Know Nothing’ officers. There is no evidence to substantiate this claim, but it is interesting to consider just how widespread this view may have been among Irish Brigade soldiers in early 1863. The extreme mental trauma they had experienced by participating in the 13th December charge must have exacerbated many of their reactions to later news that they would not be going home. William wrote a second letter three days after the first, in which he outlines how his mother, thinking the brigade had returned to New York, had ‘run down to the Battery’ (the Battery was on Manhattan) to meet him. It also demonstrated that he was a man of faith, which must have done something to sustain him during his experiences:

Camp Near Falmouth Va

January 26^th 1863

My Dear Mother,

I received your welcomed letter this day which gave my great pleasure to hear that you and my sisters are in good health as this leaves me in at present thank god for it. Dear Mother tell Mrs Fay that Tom her husband was here with me and Johnny Mc Gown for about half an hour and he was telling that their pontoon bridges was stuck in the mud and they were two days trying to get them out he is in good health and he was telling me that Mike Greene was well and in good health.  Tell Maggie that General McClellan has left us and General Burnside has taken his place and tell her that the[y] will put us in to fight if there was only ten of us left in the Brigade all we have now is 250 men out of 3000 in the three old Regts. Dear Mother I did laugh when I heard that you run down to the Battery to look for me we were so sure that we would be going home that time we thought it was all right. We are hear Falmouth Virginia we have plenty of clothes and we have built log houses for ourselves so we expect to winter here for awhile but dont know ho[w] long after that. If I had any way of getting or ink I would write to you although I did[n’t] get any answer to the other tell Mrs Smith that Johnny McGown sent 30 dollars last week by Adams Express.

Dear Mother Father Dillon left us last augst at Harrisons Landing and he is with Corcorans Legion and I am glad that my mother is getting the Relief yet and I dont get any of the papers you sent me send me an other one and if I dont get that one I will tell you to stop sending any more. I dont want anything as yet the next letter you send send me a scapular and fix it so as it dont be any weight in the letter you will get them to buy in any Catholic Book Store and you can get it blessed by the priest. The one I got from Father Dillon it is all wore and I lost the part that goes down my back he gave every one of us one when he was leaving us if you can get one from the sisters get it. Dear Mother you can keep the five dollars I am glad that you dont want for any thing I sent you forty dollars last week by adams express and as soon as you get it let me know. Is Julia living in the country yet. No more at present,

Your aff son

William Dwyer

63^d Regt N.Y. Vol.

Co H Irish Brigade

Washington D.C.

or else where

 Give my best Respects to

Maggie Kells                                                  Pat Fogarty

Mary Hays                                                      Jerry Fitzpatrick

Lizzy Curran                                                  James Curran

                                                                        Margt Curran

                                                                        Mary Curran

Also to Mick Curran two Mrs Kells

Mary M^cAlanney

and their families

*The letters above have no punctuation in their original form. Punctuation has been added in this post for ease of modern reading- if you would like to see the original transcription please contact me. None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

References

William Dwyer Dependent Mother’s Pension File WC103233

A constant stream of information about the American Civil War made its way to Ireland between 1861 and 1865. This came in forms such as family letters home, but it was also a hot topic for Irish newspapers. Some, such as James Roche’s strongly pro-Union Galway-American (later printed in Dublin as the United Irishman and Galway American) focused on the conflict more than others. Another was the Irish People, the organ of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB), the sister organisation to the American Fenian Brotherhood. These Irish newspapers even circulated among Federal troops at the front, and some contributed letters to its pages. The letter below, written by First Sergeant Robert O’Driscoll, demonstrates not only how quickly news could cross the Atlantic, but also highlights the dual concerns of many Irish-American Fenians in the Union military. (1)

‘Freedom to Ireland’, an 1866 Irish patriotic lithographic by Currier & Ives, 1866 (Wikipedia)

The doings of the Fenian Brotherhood in the Army of the Potomac have been discussed on the site in the past (see Michael Kane’s guest post here). The Fenian Brotherhood and Irish Republican Brotherhood were revolutionary organisations that were committed to bringing about an Irish Republic. In the early war years, many Fenians had viewed the conflict between North and South as an ideal opportunity for their members to gain much-needed military experience, hoping it would enable them to return home and foment rebellion from a position of strength. In Ireland, IRB leader James Stephens depended on the contributions of American Fenians (headed by John O’Mahony in New York) to sustain the organisation at home. In 1863 Stephens decided to establish a newspaper, the Irish People, to help finance the IRB and to serve as its mouthpiece.(2)

The newspaper secured premises on 12 Parliament Street in Dublin, and produced its first issue on 28th November 1863. Although it did not take the staunchly pro-Union stance of the Galway-American (which Stephens disliked, particularly as he saw it as promoting emigration to America), news of the American Civil War was nonetheless a key theme for the publication. The paper was produced in 16 pages, with each page three columns in width; of these two full columns were consistently dedicated to the war raging in America. Subscribing to the newspaper became a way for Fenians in America to show their support for the cause, and by April 1865 some 600 subscriptions had been taken out in the United States. Eventually the Government in Ireland moved to suppress the newspaper, raiding its offices and shutting it down on 15th September 1865. (3)

The Irish People of 6th August 1864 carried the below letter, written by First Sergeant Robert J. O’Driscoll of Company D, 88th New York Infantry, Irish Brigade. O’Driscoll gives an account of the Brigade’s participation in the Overland Campaign and the initial assaults around Petersburg. Aside from his chronicle of the campaign, the Irishman also has interesting things to say about Fenian involvement in the Union army. It is worth noting that the letter appeared in the Dublin paper less than a month after it had left the Petersburg trenches. As for the writer himself, Robert J. O’Driscoll was 27-years-old when he enlisted as a private in Company D on 29th March 1864. His rise through the ranks would continue beyond First Sergeant; he was promoted to Second Lieutenant on 13th October 1864. He would never realise his dream of returning to Ireland to fight for its liberation- Robert was killed in action outside Petersburg- just over three months after he wrote this letter- on 17th October 1864. (4)

James Stephens, leader of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (National Archives)

TO THE EDITOR OF THE IRISH PEOPLE.

Camp before Petersburg, July 10, 1864,

8tth Regt. N.Y.V., Irish Brigade.

DEAR SIR- On yesterday I had the pleasure of receiving for the first time a copy of your honest journal, dated June 6. I cannot tell why this is so, being a half-yearly subscriber. I can assure you this is the first copy I have seen since the commencement of our present campaign, and only by chance did I get a peep at this. I need not tell you with what pleasure I read its contents, and glad did I feel at the Cork prisoners being so nobly sustained. We expect the paymaster round in a few days to visit us: should he do so, I will see what can be done in our brigade for my old neighbours.

Sir, thinking that, perhaps, something from the brigade may not be unwelcome to you or your readers, I give you a few words:- On the 3d of May, on which memorable morning the Irish Brigade, mustering about 2,000 effective men, struck tents and, under command of Colonel Smith,* of the 1st Delaware Regiment, crossed the Rapidan river, thereby commencing our march to Richmond. Ah, sir, this road to Richmond is a rough and dark one to journey upon; one now dyed with some of the best American and Irish blood. To describe the numerous engagements which our brigade participated in, from the 3rd of May until now, is more than my time and, probably, your valuable space would admit of. On the morning of the 5th we commenced the battle of the Wilderness, where the carnage so horrible that the recollection of it causes the strongest of us to shudder.

We were more or less engaged up the evening of the 11th, when we though we would be relieved, our ranks being rather thinned, and being dreadfully fatigued we were ordered to lie down in a meadow; we had scarcely done so when “fall in” was whispered in our ears by our commanding officers. Jumping up we were surprised to be in front of our enemies, our skirmishers steadily advancing. It being not yet day, we could not form an idea where we were advancing upon; however, we were not kept long in suspense, for whiz, whiz, came the grape and canister into our midst, when the order was given to “fix bayonets, charge.” As day broke, we found in our front a battery of forty-two pieces of rifled cannon, with Johnson’s division of 8,000 men, who were waiting for reinforcements to come up to attack us. When we advanced, some of our boys sung out, stop your firing, do you want to murder your own men? They stopped immediately, we closing upon them. I will leave you to judge of their surprise, as line after line of our corps, Hancock’s, fell pell-mell on their almost impregnable works. Those at the outward works fought desperately, but being out-numbered, they had to give way. Their rear guard advanced, and tried hard to drive us from the works, and until our fellows opened the captured cannon upon them we did not succeed in taking General Johnson with 8,000 prisoners. Often since have I heard them sing out across the Confederate lines. “Well, Yank, you had it soft at Spotsylvania, but look out next time.” We were then relieved of Colonel Smith, and handed over to Colonel R. Burns, of the 28th Mass., who commanded us through the battles of North Anna and Tullapatomy Creek, when on the 3rd June he fell mortally wounded, leading the brigade against a battery at Coal Harbour, where we suffered a gallant defeat. The Corcoran Legion suffered heavily too in this charge. Coal Harbour is ten miles E.N.E. from Richmond. Colonel P. Kelly had now taken command of us, having been detained up to this in New York on special duty. Being ordered again to march, we arrived at daybreak on the morning of the 16th of June in front of the now famous city of Petersburg, where we had temporary rest until the 3rd p.m. when we were ordered to advance in front, and throw up breastworks preparatory to a grand charge, which was to come off at six o’clock the same afternoon. Under a pretty smart fire from the enemy, our “boys” succeeded in finishing their works, wearied out by constant marching and fighting we laid down on our stony pillows, trying to snatch a moment’s slumber, but were doomed to disappointment. At a distance of nine hundred yards, and in an oblique direction lay the rebels in a line of strong intrenchments, supported by heavy artillery, together with a large force of concealed infantry, who, the moment we showed ourselves gave us an uncomfortably warm reception. To storm the enemy at the point of the bayonet was our duty. Our brave fellows were well aware of the task before them- to run nine hundred yards through thickly brambled ground, under a cross-fire from an obstinate foe, before we could grapple with him, was no pleasant sensation; yet jokes were passing round as merrily as if we were preparing for a visit to Ireland.

At six o’clock, p.m., Colonel P. Kelly gave the order, “Attention, Battalion! Fix bayonets! Forward! Charge!” Colonel D.F. Bourke first leaped the works, when the rebels opened a withering fire upon us, which nearly stunned us. How any one of us escaped is a miracle. It was here our veteran Captain D.F. Bourke proved the soldier. Cool and self-possessed, he called, “Halt! Close up!’ which our poor shattered regiment immediately did. “Forward! Charge!’ On, on we continued, every step costing us the lives of dozens of our bravest comrades, before we reached the enemy. General Hancock, seeing our condition, sent forward Birney’s “command” to support us. We succeeded in driving the enemy from his position- but at what a sacrifice of human lives! Our gallant Colonel P. Kelly fell in the early part of the fight, which was an irreparable loss to us, while our remaining officers were all more or less maimed, amongst whom were Captain D.F. Bourke, with our veterans, Captains O’Driscoll and O’Shea, and Lieutenant Sweeney. The gallant 69th, 63rd, 116th P.A., with the 28th Mass., suffered similarly with outs. For the nest three days we were partially engaged, when we were ordered to take up our position inside our outside entrenchments, there to enjoy, as best we may, that rest so long and so anxiously looked for. I fear our stay here will be but short. Since I commenced to write this our waggons are ordered to fall back ten miles to the rere, a sure signal that a storm is brewing.

On yesterday I strayed over to the Corcoran “Boys,” to enquire how my Fenian Brothers were getting along, I met our friend Captain Welply, in splendid fighting condition, and as zealous as ever in the old cause. [Welply was later killed in action at Ream’s Station]

He, with Captain O’Rourke, are heart and soul for our deal old land, and they are well aided by the entire legion. It is remarked by all that when a daring act is performed by any one, the boy is sure to be a Fenian. I remember once, and often heard it repeated in America, that here was a splendid school for Irishmen to become soldiers. True, but can poor Ireland afford to pay so dearly for her military knowledge, when at such training we lose men like Corcoran, Brennan, William O’Shea, young Mitchel, with thousands of splendid true men. Then, in God’s name, it is time poor Ireland should cease patronising such schools. Oh, yes, Irishmen, no matter how ardent you may be for military fame, I implore you to suppress “for a time” your noble feelings, and, in the words of Mr. O’Mahony, “remain doing garrison duty in Ireland until we get the order to push forward to relieve you. That such an order may be soon and sudden, is the fervent prayer of all my countrymen in the American army, and you, sir, I presume, are aware of that fact.- Yours sincerely,

ROBERT J. O’DRISCOLL,

1st Sergeant, Co. D., 88th Regt., N.Y.V.,

Irish Brigade. (5)

Parliament Street in Dublin, looking towards City Hall. This is where First Sergeant O’Driscoll’s letter from Petersburg arrived to the newspaper offices in 1864 (Wikipedia)

*Thomas Alfred Smyth from Ballyhooly, Co. Cork. A Fenian himself, he would become the last Union General to be mortally wounded in combat, dying in April 1865.

(1) Ramon 2007: 141-2; (2) Ibid; (3) Ibid: 146-7, 159; (4) New York Adjutant-General, Irish People 6th August 1864, Ramon 2007: 178; (5) Irish People 6th August 1864.

References

New York Adjutant-General 1893. Annual Report of the Adjutant-General of the State of New York, Volume 31

The Irish People Saturday 6th August 1864. To The Editor Of The Irish People.

Ramon, Marta 2007. A Provisional Dictator: James Stephens and the Fenian Movement.

On 16th September 1862, 33-year-old Ann Dunnigan appeared before an Albany judge to begin the process of claiming a widow’s pension. Her husband Patrick had been mortally wounded in the Irish Brigade’s first major engagement- the Battle of Fair Oaks, Virginia- on 1st June 1862. As part of her evidence, Ann handed over a detailed letter she had received regarding her husband’s demise. It had been written by his former Captain, Waterford native Patrick Clooney. The very next day, at Antietam, Maryland, Patrick Clooney met his own death, performing deeds that have since passed into legend. Across more than 150 years Clooney’s words of comfort for Ann, and his description of that first battle at Fair Oaks, have lain in the widow’s pension file of Corporal Patrick Dunnigan. As far as I am aware, this is the first time they have appeared in print. (1)

The Battle of Fair Oaks by Currier & Ives (Library of Congress)

Captain Patrick Clooney was one of a group of Irish officers in the Union army who had also served in Italy during the Papal Wars. But it remains Clooney’s actions on 17th September 1862 at Antietam for which he is best remembered. One eyewitness described his final moments that day, as the Irish Brigade advanced into the withering fire being thrown at them by Confederates in the Sunken Road- ever afterwards known as ‘Bloody Lane':

‘…the enemy’s fire still tells upon our ranks- many a brave fellow goes down unnamed to his doom. Captain Clooney receives a bullet through the knee: the pain is torturing, terrible. The proud phrenzy of the fight is upon him. Friends and comrades entreat him to go to the rear and have his wound dressed. He does not hear or heed them. He seizes the colors and hobbles along on one leg, waving the green flag that he loves so well far in front of the line. Almost more than most men he revels in the grandeur of a battle; the whirring of the bullets is music to his ears. In the position described, exulting in the triumph of the day, two musket balls strike him; one enters his brain, the other his heart, and he falls dead.’ (2)

Antietam Battlefield. The Confederates held the Sunken Lane to the left of the image, with the Irish Brigade advancing from right to left across the field. It was in the vicinity of this field that Patrick Clooney died (Damian Shiels)

Following Clooney’s death, eulogies of his life expounded how of all the ‘gallant dead and living, none more strongly exemplified the dash and desperate valor of the true Celtic soldier than did Clooney.’ His actions at Fair Oaks were also recalled: ‘He is remembered at Fair Oaks, when the regiment held a splendid position in the railway cut, as mounting the embankment, bearing the green flag of the regiment in his hands, and waving it defiantly in the face and fire of the enemy, who were drawn up in the belt of timber on the other side of a small garden.’ This is the very action that Clooney describes in his own words in the letter below. Today the Waterford man is commemorated by a memorial erected by friends and admirers in his native Ballybricken, Waterford and through contemporary artworks such as Bradley Schmehl’s ‘Captain Clooney’s Charge.’ (3)

Ann Dunnigan (née Donnelly), who submitted the letter to support her pension claim on the day prior to Clooney’s death, had married Patrick Dunnigan on 15th August 1855 in St. John’s Church, Albany. Their first child, Samuel, was born on 9th December 1856. Patrick enlisted in the 88th New York on 15th October 1861 at the age of 34. By the time of Fair Oaks he had been promoted to Corporal. The couple’s second child, Annie, arrived on 14th March 1862, less than three months before her father’s death- it is virtually certain he never saw her. By 1870 Ann was working as a tailoress, supporting Samuel and a then 75-year-old man, James Donnelly, who was probably her father. By then her young daughter Annie had followed her father to the grave- she died as an infant, sometime before 1866. Ann Dunnigan would receive the pension that Patrick Clooney’s letter helped her to secure for almost four decades, until her own death in 1900. (4)

Captain Patrick Clooney Memorial (front left) in Ballybricken Churchyard, Waterford

Head Quarters 88th Regt. “Irish Brigade”

On the Battlefield June 2nd 1862.

Mrs. Dunigan,

Madame,

With feelings of the deepest commiseration I addres this note to you to communicate what I know will be a deep blow to your heart and a source of affliction to you for ever- namely the death of your husband Patrick Dunnigan which was occasioned by wounds received in bloody action of yesterday (June 1st Sunday) words of mine fail to express to you the deep sorrow which has seized hold of all who were acquainted with. I mourn him as a brave and gallant soldier who following me as I bore the Green flag of the Regt triumphant in my hands at the head of the Collumn fell nobely fighting by my side. May your sorrows be a little eased and the dark now pierceing your soul be withdrawn by the recollection of his honesty- his calmness- his nobility of soul- and finaly his last noble efforts beside the flags of his native and adopted fatherland. His comrades mourn the fellowship of one who in life never amongst us had known a foe.

I may as well be minute as I can be in describeing how he came by his death- several lines of battle had been formed in front of us and were of themselves sufficient to drive back the enemy. The entire of the Division (Richardsons) being on the ground. The day before (Saturday May 31st) the rebels had advanced in great force and drove back Gen Caseys Division. Reinforcements were immediately ordered up and hence it was that our Brigade with General Meagher at its head was ordered to the front. On the night of Saturday we reached the battlefield and bivouacked thereon that night- the fields around us were strewn here and there with killed and wounded soldiers some of them friends others enemies. At erly dawn on the morning of yesterday (Sunday June 1st) we were aroused from our chill slumbers and in a few moments afterwards our skirmishers were thrown forward through the woods in front and flank where some brisk fireing took place. We were in collumn by Division in rear of our line of battle and were protecting the artillery upon its right. Soon heavy fireing was heard and dense clouds of smoke rose from the woods upon our left. We deployed into line and fronted the enemy. Brisk fireing and skirmishing continuing all the time- the 69th Regt Irish Brigade was formed in line upon our right and the whole line of battle swept into the woods to meet the enemy- the advance was interrupted owing to the nature of the ground and the 88th Regt flanked by the left through the denslly wooded grove- upon nearing the plain outside the wood I was ordered to carry the Colors to the front of the Collumn and head its advance- raising the green flag and the Stars and Stripes over us we passed forward and marched by fileing to the right out upon the clear fields when the enemy opened a heavy fire upon us and nearly caused the head of the Collumn to waver- when dashing forward into the plaine we were enabled to form line. It was while following the Colors of the Regt in the thickest of the fire and flood of lead that your gallant husband fell fighting by my side- a rifle bullet haveing pierced his right leg passing through his right leg and through.

He was conveyed to our hospital where I went to visit him and had the doctors treat him as well as possible. He appeared to me to be extreamly exhausted as he no doubt was and he spoke very little to anyone save to myself to whom he chatted freely- the continuance of the fight compelled me to take command of my company and towards morning (June 2nd) he ceased to live. In his pocket which had been opened by my lieutenant (O’Brien) were the following effects which he has handed to me- viz a ten (10) Dollar bill- a pen knife ink bottle a piece of a latter you had written him and from which I learned your address- some heads of pipes- a pencil case tobacco. The 10 Dollars I herewith enclose to you at the same time assuring you of the deep sympathy I feel for you in this your bereavement.

Accept Madame the assurance

with which I remain yours most respectfully

Patrick Felan Clooney

Capt Co E 88th Regt N.Y.V. Irish Brigade

(In the field 7 miles from Richmond)

[you will excuse this penship as I had to write with my heart? pen- P.F.C.]

[you may do anything you like with this letter if it may please your friends P.F.C.] (5)

‘Captain Clooney’s Charge’, Antietam by Bradley Schmehl (Reproduced on the site with permission, obtained by Robert Doyle)

*None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) Patrick Dunnigan Widow’s Pension File; (2) New York Irish American 18th October 1862; (3) Ibid.; (4) Patrick Dunnigan Widow’s Pension File, New York Adjutant General, 1870 Census; (5) Patrick Dunnigan Widow’s Pension File:

References

Patrick Dunnigan Widow’s Pension File WC954.

New York Irish-American Weekly 18th October 1862. Antietam- The Dead of the Brigade.

New York Adjutant-General 1893. Annual Report of the Adjutant-General of the State of New York, Volume 31.

1870 U.S. Federal Census.

On 18th October 1862 the New York Irish-American published an article on the ‘gallant fellows’ of the Irish Brigade who had recently given their lives at the carnage of Antietam. One of them was Tullamore native Lieutenant John Conway, who had fallen in the ranks of the 69th New York Infantry. The paper described Conway as a ‘noble’ man, whose memory should be cherished. Remembering the dead of the American Civil War in such heroic terms is something that we still do today. However, it is occasionally worth reminding ourselves that these were flesh and blood people, with their own flaws and foibles. Just as they were loved by some, they could be disliked by others. Less than two weeks before the Irish-American’s eulogy, John Conway’s brother-in-law, Charles Brady, had written to his sister regarding the soldier’s death. Unlike the newspaper, Charles did not seem particularly sorry to hear of John’s passing. (1)

Antietam Battlefield. The Confederates held the Sunken Lane to the left of the image, with the Irish Brigade advancing from right to left across the field. It was in the vicinity of this field that John Conway died (Damian Shiels)

John Conway had emigrated to the United States from Tullamore, Co. Offaly around the year 1840. On 7th January 1846 he had been married to Catherine Brady in Auburn, New York, by Father O’Flaherty. The couple, who had no children, appear to have tried their hand at farming before heading to Brooklyn. There they entered the employment of Henry C. Bowen, a successful New York merchant. Bowen was the Internal Revenue Collector for the Third District (Brooklyn), but was also a prominent abolitionist. He had founded The Independent in 1848, a congregational antislavery weekly that at one point was edited by Henry Ward Beecher. John worked as Henry Bowen’s gardener while Catherine served the family as a nurse. The Offaly man was around 36 years old when he became a Lieutenant in Company K of the 69th New York in 1861. At the time he was described as 5 feet 10 inches in height, with a dark complexion, dark eyes and black hair. 34-year-old Catherine was still in the Bowen’s employ when she learned that the Battle of Antietam had made her a widow. (2)

John Conway’s body was brought back from Maryland together with that of Patrick Clooney, one of the most famed officers in the Brigade’s history. Their remains were ‘conveyed in handsome metallic coffins’, and taken to the headquarters of the Brigade at 596 Broadway where they were laid in state. John Conway had clearly been a good soldier. The Irish-American reported that he had:

‘served with distinction and honor on every battle-field to the hour of his death; when, like many of his brave companions, he was struck down, on the 17th of September, at Antietam, leading his command to the charge. Courteous, affable, loving and truly brave- he was as much beloved in social life by all who knew him, as in camp by his fellow-officers, who esteemed him as a “noble fellow,” and mourn him to-day as an irreparable loss. Aged but thirty-six years, his young life is another sacrifice of Ireland for America, in the annals of which, as a staunch and trusty soldier, the name of John Conway should be cherished.’ (3)

Henry C. Bowen’s newspaper ‘The Independent’, as it appeared in 1919 (Wikipedia)

Catherine Conway was living with the Bowens at 76 Willow Street in Brooklyn in 1862. She needed to prove her marriage to John in order to become eligible for a pension, so she asked her brother, Charles Brady, to travel to Auburn to see if he could get evidence of the marriage. Charles was a farmer living in Skaneateles, Onondaga County. When he wrote back, Charles took the opportunity to offer his own form of consolation to his sister. His letter makes it clear that John’s ‘bad actions’ had severely damaged Charles’s opinion of him. Charles did not even feel it was worth Catherine trying to get John’s body home, although as reported by the Irish-American this is something that would subsequently take place.Charles also made sure to tell his sister to avoid the ‘low Irish’ who might lead her astray, and encouraged her to stay living with the Bowens:

Dear Sister

I received your letter the third. We were very sorry to hear of John deaths [sic.], I don’t blame you to feel bad but still he was so cruel to you, but I suppose nature comples [compels] you to feel so. Dear Sister I don’t think he ever used you like a husband when you lived up on the lake [presumably Lake Skaneateles] on the farm, you know when you had to go out and milk all the cows and he would be away playing cards, and since yous went east by all accounts he was but worse and after he went away Mother wrote to me and told me that he never left you a dollar after selling all his things. When he was up here he had plenty of money spending around the taverns and was out at Auburn at two Irish dances but I will forgive him and I hope God will for all his bad actions. Dear Sister there had been many a good husband left their wives and children which falls on the field of battle and their family’s must feel reconcilise [reconciled] now. Dear Sister you have know [sic.] trouble but yourself and as the Almighty gives you health you aught to be well satisfied and also you aught to feel happy to think you are living with such kind folks that takes so much interest in you. Dear Sister now I am going to give you advice to keep away from all the low Irish and not be led away by them, you may think they are for your good they will bring you to ruin. Dear Sister I hope you will remain with the family you are living with and be said by then the advice you get from them will be for your good. Dear Sister I went out to Auburn yesterday to see about your marriage lines the priest that is there now his name is Mr Creaton [?] he is the third priest since you were married. This priest can’t find the record that priest had that married you, that shows how correct they are about keeping the record. This priest says as long as yous lived man and wife for so many years and there is plenty of witnesses for that. Dear Sister if you will live with this family my wife or myself will go down to see you the latter part of the winter for I know you have got a good home with them. Dear Sister I think it is so foolish to think to get John [‘s] body home for they can’t tell one from the other after they are three days under the sand. Them that are advising you for that are doing you wrong you take advice from Mr Hodge and not from them, for he knows all about such business. If there is anything coming to you he will get it for you, if you get anything put in the bank for old age. Myself and family joins with me in sending their love to you. I have no more to say at present but remain your affectionate brother,

Charles Brady.

Skaneateles Oct the 5 1862. (4)

It transpired that the priest that had married John and Catherine, Father O’Flaherty, had returned to Ireland. However, statements from family members and Henry C. Bowen were enough to prove the marriage and secure Catherine’s pension. It would later be increased by special act. Catherine’s opinion of her husband goes unrecorded, but it likely sat somewhere between the glorified memorialisation exhibited by the Irish-American and the extremely low opinion of him held by her brother Charles. Catherine received a pension based on John’s service until her own death in 1905. She was buried with her fallen husband at St. Patrick’s Cemetery, in Aurora, New York. (5)

Report to the Senate supporting an increase in Catherine Conway’s pension (Fold3/NARA)

*The letter above had little punctuation in its original form. Punctuation has been added in this post for ease of modern reading- if you would like to see the original transcription please contact me. None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

** I would like to acknowledge Lyndsey Clark, Sharon Greene-Douglas, Robin Heaney, Tadhg Williams, Robert A. Mosher, Craig Swain, Joe Maghe, David Gleeson, Harry Smeltzer, Iain Banks, Don Caughey and Joseph Bilby for assisting with the transcription of the Charles Brady letter.

(1) New York Irish American Weekly 18th October 1862; (2) John Conway Widow’s Pension File, McPherson 1975: 25; (3) New York Irish American Weekly 18th October 1862; (4) 1860 Census, John Conway Widow’s Pension File; (5) John Conway Widow’s Pension File;

References & Further Reading

John Conway Widow’s Pension File WC2415

1860 U.S. Federal Census

New York Irish American Weekly 18th October 1862. The Dead of the Brigade.

McPherson, James M. 1975. The Abolitionist Legacy. From Reconstruction to the NAACP.

Antietam National Battlefield

Civil War Trust Battle of Antietam Page

In March 1865, Charles Traynor wrote home to his mother Catharine in New York. A veteran of some of the most famed Irish Brigade actions of the war, he was still at the front as the conflict began to enter its final days. ‘I trust the Almythy will spear me my life’ he confided to her. A few days later, the Confederates launched a ferocious attack against Fort Stedman on the Petersburg lines. As part of the Union response, Charles and the 69th New York were ordered to advance on the enemy at a place called Skinner’s Farm- events which unfolded 150 years ago today. (1)

The interior of Fort Stedman, Petersburg, 1865. The object of the main Confederate assault on 25th March. Events here on the Union right would lead to the 69th New York being ordered forward on the left of the line, at Skinner’s Farm (Library of Congress)

Irish bricklayer Charles Traynor enlisted as a 34-year-old in New York City on 16th August 1862. A little over a month later, as a private in Company K of the 69th New York , he was wounded assaulting the Sunken Road at the Battle of Antietam. The following June he was transferred to Company A, but at some juncture in 1864 he was assigned to the 18th Regiment of the Veteran Reserve Corps. He was serving with these men in Washington D.C. on 1st November that year, when he wrote home to his mother. It was the week before President Abraham Lincoln took on the Democratic candidate and former commander of the Army of the Potomac, George McClellan, in the Presidential election. ‘Little Mac’ was immensely popular among the majority of Irish troops, and Charles was clearly hoping for his victory at the polls. Aside from politics, the soldier also found the time to complain about the food:

Washington City

November 1st 1864

My Dear Mother I received yours of the 28 of last month. I am happy to find you are well as also all my sisters and brother and their families. I do not get any of your letters only the above date[d]. I would have wrote sooner only we were moveing from place to place and are not settled yet I think. I have no particular news only about the election which will be a hard contest. I hope Little Mc will be the man. I was mustered for pay and as soon as [I] get it will send you some. I must let you know how we are treated as to our rations we are halfe starved not halfe as much as we had one year ago. I have to buy part of my grub, for I cannot eat what is isued to us. Now for breakfast one pint of coffee one cut of bread 1/3 of a loafe and about 4 oz. of poarke, for dinner sometimes poarke and the same quantity of bread. Sup[p]er coffee and 1/3 of a loafe. Only fresh meat once a week and then about 6 ounces but in the mean time I am in good health thank God. You will let Barney know Tom McMahon [enlisted aged 36 in 1861] of the 69th Co. K. is in this Regt. with me and will be going home by next Saturday his time is out he will call to see Barney and you. We are mates together. Now I will conclude by sending you my love hopeing you will enjoy good health till I return also my love to all my sisters and Barney, William Wallace and family,

Write soon,

Your Aff. Son

Charles Traynor

Co. B. 18th Regt. V.R. Corps

Washington D.C. (2)

If Charles had remained in the rear with the 18th Veteran Reserve Corps his prospects of making it through the war would have been bright. That wasn’t to be. He returned to the 69th New York and the front on 5th December 1864, eventually becoming a Corporal in Company F. As the Union continued to press the Confederate positions around Petersburg into 1865, Charles took the opportunity to write home on 13th March. It is clear from the different hand writing in both letters that someone wrote them for him; the use of language and spelling differences between the two examples is also suggestive of a different pen. In this letter Charles seems to indicate that he thought the war might not go on much longer- apparently he could have received a furlough to visit New York, but thought it wasn’t worth doing it until he could go home for good:

Camp Near Petersburg Va.

March 13th 1865

My Dear Mother

I write to you a few lines hoping the[y] will find yous all in good health as I am in at present thank God. I received your letter on the 8th and was glad to hear of yous all been well, Dear Mother. I got 4 months pay and sent you 40 dollors by Adams Express. I hope you have got it before this. I could have got a furlow if I had aplyed for one but I thought it as good to never mind going home untill I go home all together. I trust the Almythy will spear [spare] me my life. The duty is hard enough here we expect to have a moove shortly, give my best love to my brother and sisters and to Mr. Wallice and family. Write soone. Nomore at present from your

Loving Son

Charles Traynor (3)

Twelve days after Charles wrote this letter- on 25th March 1865- the Confederates made their final concerted effort to break through the Union lines at Petersburg. They focused that assault against Fort Stedman on the eastern portion of the line, but despite some initial success, they were eventually repulsed. In response, Union forces further west, including Second Corps units, pressed the right of the Confederate line. That afternoon the 69th New York Infantry were ordered into the woods near Skinner’s Farm (sometimes called Skinner’s House), where they engaged Confederates pickets in what became a sustained firefight. By the time they were relieved a few hours later, they had suffered 94 casualties, nine of whom were killed outright. Corporal Charles Traynor was among the latter, felled by a gunshot wound to the left breast. Having survived some of the bloodiest encounters of the conflict, and having hoped that he would be spared, he ultimately died in the American Civil War’s final days- 150 years ago today. (4)

Lieutenant-Colonel James J. Smith and officers of the 69th New York, an image exposed just a few weeks after the Battle of Skinner’s Farm (Library of Congress)

*The letters above had little punctuation in their original form. Punctuation has been added in this post for ease of modern reading- if you would like to see the original transcription please contact me. None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) Charles Trainor Dependent Mother’s Pension File; (2) New York Adjutant General 1901: 340, Charles Trainor Dependent Mother’s Pension File; (3) Charles Trainor Dependent Mother’s Pension File (4) Official Records: 200-1;

References & Further Reading

Charles Trainor Dependent Mother Pension File WC88894.

New York Adjutant General 1901. Roster of the 69th New York Infantry.

Official Records of the War of the Rebellion Series 1, Volume 46, Part 1. Report of Lieut. Col. James J. Smith, Sity-ninth New York Infantry, of operations March 25.

Petersburg National Battlefield

Civil War Trust Battle of Fort Stedman Page

Occasionally, I am asked why any Irish impacted by the American Civil War should be remembered in Ireland. After all, the argument goes, these people left our shores, and they weren’t fighting for ‘Ireland.’ In response, I usually point out that many were Famine-era emigrants, who often felt they had little choice but to leave. There are many other reasons for remembrance, but perhaps one of the most persuasive is that these emigrants tended not to forget those at home. Whether we realise it or not, the ancestors of many in Ireland today benefited greatly from something that Irish emigrants to America sent back- money. One such emigrant was a man named Thomas Bowler from Youghal, Co. Cork. His decision to enlist in the Irish Brigade was almost certainly borne from a desire to help his wife and child, more than 3,000 miles away across the Atlantic.

I have previously highlighted the substantial donations made by Union soldiers to Irish relief funds; as we discovered, many of those who gave to such causes were themselves killed within a matter of months. Money was also sent home from the front to family members, be they in New York, Philadelphia, Boston, or Ireland. Many of the dollars that traveled back to Ireland during the Civil War did so because of the efforts of the Irish Emigrant Society. Founded as a charitable organisation in 1841 to assist new arrivals from Ireland, it provided important advice to newcomers on where to go, what to do, and what to avoid. The Society also facilitated the sending of money orders and prepaid passenger tickets from New York to family back in Ireland. In 1850 members of the Society petitioned for a bank charter, and on 10th April that year the ‘Emigrant Industrial Savings Bank’ was born. Its founders envisioned it serving a dual role, in ‘furnishing the means of safe remittances to the distressed people of Ireland and of distributing in charities whatever of profits may arise therefrom’ and of ‘affording our people a safe deposit for their hard earnings.’ In 1850 alone, the modern equivalent of $4.6 million was sent back to Ireland via the Society. (1)

Irish emigrants sending money back to Ireland from the Emigrants Savings Bank in 1880 (Library of Congress)

The Emigrant Savings Bank was still going strong in 1864. Many men of the Irish Brigade (and indeed other units) put aside money in the bank that Spring. Some were veterans, but many others were new recruits, brought into the Brigade to refill its depleted ranks. All of them knew that a major campaign was coming. One of them was Captain (soon to be Major) Thomas Touhy of the 63rd New York, who had money deposited on 8th March. He left instructions on who was to receive it in the event of his death- he would be mortally wounded at The Wilderness two months later. Thomas McAndrew, who had enlisted in the 69th New York in November 1863, had his money put away in the Bank on 16th April. Like Major Touhy he was wounded less than a month later at The Wilderness, but survived to see the end of the war. 21-year-old Thomas Blake was not as lucky. He made his deposit on the 9th April, the same day he mustered into the 88th New York. By the 12th June he was dead, succumbing to disease in Washington D.C. (2)

Another Irish Brigade soldier who was making plans with his money that April was Thomas Bowler. The 35-year-old was also a new soldier, having enlisted in Brooklyn on 26th February 1864. For some reason Thomas chose to join-up under an alias, using his mother’s maiden name of Murphy. It was under this name that he would be recorded in the 69th New York. Thomas was not among those supporting a family in America. Instead, his wife Ellen (née Hubbert) and 6-year-old daughter Abigail were living on the other side of the Atlantic, in Youghal, Co. Cork. It is probable that Thomas was paving the way for his family to join him; it was common for one family member to travel to America in advance of the others, raising the money so that the rest could follow. Thomas may well have hoped that the large financial incentives on offer for enlistment in the Spring of 1864 would hasten that process for his family. However, Thomas’s next problem was how to get the money home to Ireland. Unable to get to the Emigrants Saving Bank himself, he entrusted his money to the regimental chaplain, who saw that it got to the bank in New York. Thomas used Youghal broker Thomas Curtin as an intermediary to get the money to Ellen. Curtin can be found in an 1867 street directory, which lists him as a Ship-Broker on Grattan Street, Youghal. As April wore on and signs grew that the campaign was about to commence, Thomas became anxious to learn if the money he had sent had arrived in Ireland. On 17th April he wrote this letter back to Ellen in Youghal:

Camp Near Brandy Station

April 17th 1864

My Dear Ellen

I sent some time ago through through [sic.] the priest attending this regiment 80 dollars which will I trust bring you 10 pounds of your money I sent it to Thos. Curtin broker in Youghal I hope you will have no difficulty in getting it. I hope you will not neglect answering it as soon as you receive it as it is natural to suppose that any man who sends so large a sum feels uneasy until such time as he receives an answer to it. I like soldiering very well, I do not know the moment we will go to the field of battle their will [be] great fighting this summer but of course I have as good a chance to escape as any other man. I am enlisted for three years or during the war. If it was over in the morning I would be discharged, but their is only a very poor chance of that but God is good and merciful. When you are writing let me know how all the neighbours are. I have no more to say but remain your affecttionate Husband Thomas Bowler.

Let me know how the child is getting on and all other things also let me know how is my brothers and sisters.

Address your letter

Thomas Murphy Company A

69th Regt N.Y.V. 1st Division 2nd Army Corps Washington D C

also let me know how is James Coughlan (3)

Just over two weeks after this letter was written- on 4th May 1864- the Army of the Potomac crossed the Rapidan river to commence the Overland Campaign. Thomas was right about the ‘great fighting’ that the summer would bring. The first major battle was at The Wilderness, where the Irish Brigade were among those units engaged on the 5th and 6th May. Their Corps Commander, Winfield Scott Hancock, would remark of the Brigade’s actions on the 5th that ‘although four-fifths of its numbers were recruits, it behaved with great steadiness and gallantry, losing largely in killed and wounded.’ (4)

Irish Emigrant Society notice sent to Ellen Bowler in Youghal regarding her husband’s payment (National Archives/Fold3)

There would be little pause over the coming weeks of hard fighting to draw breadth. Back in Youghal, Ellen grew concerned when she heard no news from Thomas. The weeks turned into months, and eventually even the war itself ended. Still Ellen was unsure as to Thomas’s fate. Then, in 1866, a man called Michael Carroll traveled from New York to Youghal to visit his family. He met Ellen there, and told her that he had heard Thomas had been wounded in the war and died in hospital. A few months after that, a Mrs. Meaney in New York wrote to her sister in Youghal, one Mrs. Ahearne. In the letter Mrs. Meaney stated that ‘Mrs Bowler husband Tom Bowler was dead…he died in hospital of wounds received in action.’ In her application for a pension Ellen stated her husband’s death had occurred after the 17th April. She knew this because that was the date of Thomas’s last letter to her, the last word she ever had from him. Despite what friends said, there is no evidence to suggest that Thomas had died in hospital of wounds. He was reported missing in action on 7th May 1864, following the Battle of the Wilderness. Two weeks after his final letter to his wife, Thomas had entered the woods of Virginia for what was his first battle, and it would seem he never reemerged. (5)

Ellen’s pension was finally approved more than four years after her husband’s death, on 14th April 1868. In a postscript to their story, Thomas’s little girl Abigail would seek a continuation of the pension many years later. Now going by the name Alice, and using her married surname of Lynch, she wrote from Youghal to the Commissioner of Pensions on 29th August 1890. She stated how her father was ‘killed in one of the bloody battles of the war’ and how she was the ‘only child of the man who lost his life in the service of the United States leaving [her] an orphan unprovided for.’ She also cited her own ill-health and destitution as reasons she should receive payment, before signing off as ‘Alice Lynch, otherwise Bowler, otherwise Murphy.’ Her application seems to have been refused. The 1911 Census of Ireland records Alice as a 56-year-old charwoman living on Cork Lane, Youghal, with her two sons, Thomas (a fisherman) and Daniel (a farm labourer). Her family story poignantly highlights the efforts that many Irish soldiers went to in an effort to provide for their families. If Thomas Bowler had avoided death in The Wilderness of Northern Virginia, his little girl may well have been giving her name to a census enumerator in New York in 1910, rather than in Youghal in 1911. (6)

The Emigrant Savings Bank was still going strong in the 20th century. This 1912 photo shows the bank of the same site (51 Chambers Street) from which Thomas Bowler’s money had been sent in 1864 (Library of Congress)

*None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) Casey 2006: 306-8; (2) Emigrants Saving Bank Transfer, Signature and Test Books, New York AG Rosters: 63rd, 69th, 88th New York; (3) Thomas Bowler Widow’s Pension File, Henry & Coughlan 1867: 340; (4) Thomas Bowler Widow’s Pension File, Official Records: 320; (5) Thomas Bowler Widow’s Pension File; (6) Thomas Bowler Widow’s Pension File, 1911 Census of Ireland;

References & Further Reading

Thomas Bowler Widow’s Pension File WC115828.

Census of Ireland 1911.

Emigrant Savings Bank Records, New York Public Library (accessed via ancestry.com).

Henry & Coughlan 1867. General Directory of Cork.

Marion R. Casey 2006. ‘Refractive History: Memory and the Founders of the Emigrant Savings Back’, in J.J. Lee & Marion R. Casey (eds.) Making the Irish American: History and Heritage of the Irish in the United States, 302-331.

New York Adjutant General 1901. Roster of the 63rd New York.

New York Adjutant General 1901. Roster of the 69th New York.

New York Adjutant General 1901. Roster of the 88th New York.

Official Records of the War of the Rebellion Series 1, Volume 36, Part 1. Reports of Maj. Gen. Winfield S. Hancock, U.S. Army, commanding Second Army Corps, with statement of guns captured and lost from May 3 to November 1, and list of colors captured and lost from May 4 to November 1.

Civil War Trust Battle of the Wilderness Page

Fredericksburg & Spotsylvania National Military Park

Each pension file contains fragments of one Irish family’s story. They are rarely complete, but nonetheless they often offer us rare insight into aspects of the 19th century Irish emigrant experience. Few match the breadth of the story told in the Madigan pension file. That family’s words and letters take us from the Great Famine in Rattoo, Co. Kerry to New York and Ohio and ultimately to the first battlefield of the American Civil War. From there we journey from neighbourhoods as diverse as the Five Points and Tralee, where those unable to take the emigrant boat still counted on those who had made new lives across the Atlantic.

I frequently make reference to the fact that many of the Irish impacted by the American Civil War were Famine-era emigrants. Despite this, among the hundreds of Irish pension files I have examined, the Famine has only been directly referenced twice. Although we know that the Great Famine was the ultimate reason behind why many emigrated, that fact was an irrelevant detail when it came to the process of securing a government pension– and so it goes unmentioned. The file relating to Kerry native Thomas Madigan is typical in this respect; the word ‘Famine’ is nowhere among the 39 pages of documents contained within it. However, examination of this remarkable file suggests that the Madigans had not only suffered as a result of the Famine, but that members of their immediate family had not survived it.

The Madigan story begins in the north Co. Kerry parish of Rattoo on 21st November 1835. That was the day that James Madigan and Mary Costello were married by the Reverend F. Collins in front of witnesses Thomas Lovit and William Loughlin. We know that the couple had at least three children who survived to adulthood– Thomas (born c. 1840), James (born c. 1841) and Catherine (born c. 1845). Many years later, Mary revealed that her husband James had died in Kerry in March of 1847. That year became known in Ireland as ‘Black ’47’, the period that witnessed the peak of the Famine calamity. Mary never related how her husband died, but a family friend recounted that the illness that killed James was dropsy. It is this piece of information that suggests that James was a Famine victim. Of the nutritional deficiency diseases which caused large numbers of deaths during the Famine, starvation and marasmus were the most common, but they were followed by dropsy– an oedema or accumulation of fluid in the body, often caused by malnutrition. (1)

Rattoo Round Tower, Co Kerry, a site the Madigans were undoubtedly familiar with. (Anne Burgess)

Catherine Madigan later remembered that the family emigrated to America around the year 1850, when she was about 5 years-old. No doubt they were relieved to escape the difficult conditions life had brought them in Co. Kerry. Catherine’s widowed mother Mary married again in December of 1853, wedding a man called Maurice Kennedy. The family moved to Columbus Ohio, and another child, Maurice Jr., was born there on 16th November 1854. But all was not well in the Kennedy household. Having taken her family out of Famine-ravaged Ireland, Mary now had to deal with yet another trial– a violent husband. Maurice Kennedy was described as a ‘habitual drunkard and man of bad character’ who was frequently being arrested for disturbing the peace. Mary’s daughter Catherine felt forced to leave the household due to the ‘ill-treatment of her mother.’ Finally, after six years of marriage, enduring constant ‘ill-treatment and brutality’, Mary could take no more and decided to ‘seek the protection of her children.’ In 1859 her son Thomas, who had stayed in New York and was working as a tin-smith, sent the money his mother needed to flee Columbus and Maurice’s violence. Mary never heard from her second husband again. She would later hear rumours that he had died of yellow fever in New Orleans around 1860. (2)

Back in New York, Mary’s son Thomas set his mother up with a place to live and got her established with furniture and the other necessaries of life. No doubt due to the abusive nature of the relationship, Mary, encouraged by family and friends, stopped using the Kennedy name of her second husband, and reverted to being called Mary Madigan. One can only imagine the emotional scarring that her life experiences up to this juncture had caused. As 1861 approached, Mary was living with Thomas (and presumably Maurice Jr.) at 207 Mott St. in Manhattan. Despite having left Ireland as a boy, Thomas had clearly maintained an interest in Ireland; he was a member of the 69th New York State Militia, an overwhelmingly Irish militia organisation. In 1860 its commander Michael Corcoran achieved notoriety for refusing to parade the regiment on the occasion of the visit of the Prince of Wales. Given the impact of the Famine on Thomas Madigan’s family, one imagines this was a decision he most likely agreed with. (3)

Officers of the 69th New York State Militia pose beside one of the guns in Fort Corcoran prior to the Battle of Bull Run. Thomas Madigan wrote home to his mother from here. (Library of Congress)

When war came in April 1861, the 69th New York State Militia answered the call for three months service, and headed to Washington D.C. Thomas enrolled for three months service on 20th April, and by the 21st of May he and the regiment were occupied in the construction Fort Seward (later officially named Fort Corcoran) on Arlington Heights. There, Thomas took the opportunity to write to his mother:

Fort Seward May 21 1861

Arlington Heights, Va

My dear mother

I take this opportunity of sending these few lines hoping that they may reach you in good health as I am at present. When [sic.] we took up our position on Arlington Heights and know [sic.] we are building a fort to be called Fort Seward it will be a large one and it will overlook the river Potomack and the City of Washington and if the enemy had it they could destroy Washington and Georgetown without losing a man. Dear Mother we are in the center of the enemy and in the enemys state. To day we were sworn [?] in and we expect to be home marching up Broadway about the 9 or 10 of August

But remains your affectionate son till death

Thomas Madigan

Company I 69 Regt

NYSM (4)

Precisely two months after the letter, on 21st July 1861, the 69th New York State Militia were engaged in the first major battle of the war at Bull Run, Virginia (read the 69th’s after action report and find out all about the battle on the Bull Runnings site here). The fight ended in defeat for the Union. As soldiers– and numerous civilian spectators– fled back towards Washington D.C., many Federal wounded were left on the field. Among them was Thomas Madigan, felled by a bullet to the leg in what was his first battle. Thomas’s limb was amputated, probably by northern surgeons who had volunteered to stay behind with their charges. Meanwhile, back in New York confusion reigned as reports filtered through of the reverse. Newspapers tried to report the losses to those at home, but the fate of many of those who had been captured remained unclear. On 12th August a number of Union surgeons were paroled, and they carried with them into Union lines lists of wounded men still in Confederate hands. The New York Irish-American printed the list in its 24th August issue; one of the names that appeared was Thomas Madigan. The list recorded that he was in Centreville, but by then he had been moved to St. Mark’s Hospital in Richmond. By the time his name was printed in the Irish-American he was already dead, having passed away on 21st August. The 69th New York had returned to New York on 27th July, nearly two weeks before Thomas’s predicted date. Unfortunately he never got an opportunity to go ‘marching up Broadway’ with his comrades. (5)

Thomas Madigan’s name on a list of 69th New York prisoners at Centreville, published in the New York Irish-American (GenealogyBank)

Before Thomas had left for the front he had made sure that his mother was set up with regular relief payments, supplied by the City of New York. His death demonstrates just how much of a ‘second trauma’ the American Civil War could be for Famine emigrants. By 1861, Mary had endured the loss of her first husband to Famine, had escaped the clutches of an abusive second husband, and then experienced the death of the son who had facilitated that escape. One wonders as to her thoughts when her other son James decided to enlist in the 158th New York Infantry– part of ‘Spinola’s Brigade’. The 21-year-old became a private in Company K on 12th August 1862, and thankfully survived to muster out with his company at Richmond on 30th June 1865. (6)

The laws which entitled Mary to a dependent mother’s pension had not been in place when Thomas died, and Mary had initially thought that because he was one of the Militia ‘three month men’ (as opposed to a three-year volunteer) that she would not be entitled to any payments. She started her pension application process in August 1862, when she was recorded as being 50 years of age. She was then living at 16 Mulberry Street in the notorious Five Points slum district of Manhattan. It was an area teeming with fellow Irish immigrants, many of them from her native Kerry. (7)

Mulberry Bend, Five Points, New York in 1896. Mary Madigan lived close to here in 1863 (Jacob Riis)

Mary had made a crucial error in her application, one that would be a factor in delaying her pension approval for many years. She recorded her name as Mary Madigan rather than Mary Kennedy. Cruelly, the name of her second-husband, a name she had discarded, had come back to haunt her. The pension bureau sought clarifications as to why she had not used it, and wanted information as to the whereabouts and fate of Maurice Kennedy. In addition, they wanted proof of her marriage to James Madigan in Co. Kerry. In order to obtain that proof she wrote to one of her Costello siblings back in Ireland. The response she received illustrates how those who had succeeded in emigrating, no matter what their circumstances, were looked upon for aid by those still at home. Although it is not clear from the letter if the correspondent was Mary’s brother or sister, what is apparent is that the letter writer had helped to fund the journey of another family member, ‘Jimmy’, to the United States. Interestingly, it seems Jimmy had also then become a soldier in the Union Army. Despite having revealed news of Tom’s death, Mary’s sibling doesn’t hesitate to chide Mary for having made ‘faithful promises but slow performances’:

Tralee March 31st 1863

Dear Sister I received your letter of the 17th I was sorry to heare of the death of poor tom may the lord have mercy on his soul- Dear sister when I heard your letter was at the causeway [Causeway, Co. Kerry] I went for it but could not get the lines you required untill now [the proof of Mary’s marriage]. Dear Sister you should suceed in getting this money I hope you wont forget poor Thomas soul get masses said for him and pray him constant as he went so suddenly. Dear Sister I had to leave Mr Masons a long time ago in bad health which was a grate loss to me and to set down and spend what I earned during the time I was with them. Dear Sister I am sorry I ever sent you Jimmy or lost the few to him that I did [the few pounds] to be the manes [means] of sending him to the war, I would want what I lost to him verry badley now myself for I am getting into bad health every day I am laid up at present with a scurvey in my feet and I fear I will have to leave my p[l]ace in concequence of them. I have a very good place at present if I could keep it I am living with Mr George Hillard of Mc Cinall [?]. Dear Sister I thought I would have got some assistance from you and Jimmy before now ye have made as I thought faithfull primisses [promises] but slow performances.

Dear Sister I hope you wont forget sending me some money for I feare I will want it very soon in concequence of my health which will cause me to leave my place. If it was the will of God to leave me my health I could do without from any one and as it not I crave you assistance may the Holy will of God be done in all things, Amen.

Catherine Brien will be going to America and she will tell you all about me direct your letter George Hillard Esq. Madgestrar Tralee Dea place. (8)

By the time the war concluded Mary was living with her daughter Catherine. She would eventually have her pension application granted on 25th July 1868. With the award the Madigan story once again fades back into obscurity. However, their remarkable pension file provides us with insight into one family’s arduous journey from Famine ravaged Ireland to an America which, at least initially, did not prove to be the promised land. Uniquely, it also offers a glimpse back across the Atlantic, towards the obligations that many Irish emigrants had towards those that had been left behind.

The Return of the 69th New York after the Battle of Bull Run, 1861, by Louis Lang. Thomas Madigan had been anticipating such a homecoming before Bull Run (New York Historical Society)

*None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) Thomas Madigan Dependent Mother’s File, Kennedy et .al. 1999: 104; (2) Thomas Madigan Dependent Mother’s File; (3) Ibid.; (4) Ibid.; (5) Ibid., New York Irish American 24th August 1861; (6) Thomas Madigan Dependent Mother’s File, New York AG: 415; (7) Thomas Madigan Dependent Mother’s File, Anbinder 2002: 48, 98; (8) Thomas Madigan Dependent Mother’s File;

References

Thomas Madigan Dependent Mother’s Pension File WC116873.

New York Irish American Weekly 24th August 1861. Federal Prisoners at Richmond and Manassas.

New York Adjutant General Roster of the 159th New York Infantry.

Anbinder, Tyler 2002. Five Points.

Kennedy Liam, Ell Paul S., Crwaford E.M. & Clarkson L.A. 1999. Mapping the Great Irish Famine; A Survey of the Famine Decades.

Manassas National Battlefield Park

Civil War Trust Battle of Bull Run Page

Letters included in the pension file often contain some very personal information. Surely few match those written by the Irish Brigade’s Samuel Pearce to his wife Margaret. The correspondence details not only the railroad man’s initial efforts to avoid the draft and use of an alias, but also provides a unique and intimate insight into the couple’s relationship. Samuel candidly discusses his concern for Margaret as she is about to go into labour, fondly recalls his love for her through memories of their first child’s birth, and expresses his disappointment at how she treated him on a visit home. Unusually, he also openly discusses their sex life. Readers should note that the final letter in the sequence contains language and content that some may find offensive. (1)

1864 Advertisement for the Baltimore & Ohio (Wikipedia)

Samuel Pearce worked on the Baltimore & Ohio railroad when he met Margaret McDonald around the year 1857. The couple were married in the English Lutheran Church of Lancaster County, Pennsylvania on 9th October 1859; their first child– William– was born on 2nd October 1860. Samuel did not rush to volunteer at the start of the war. Instead he stayed with what he knew, working under the direction of the U.S. Military Railroads commander, Herman Haupt. It was late 1863 when he wrote the first letter below to his wife. She was due to give birth to their second child at any moment, and Samuel was anxious for her wellbeing. Denied a furlough to go home, Samuel’s worries were exacerbated by news that his name had been drawn in the draft. Hopeful that the railroad authorities would secure an exemption for him, he nonetheless cautioned Margaret not to mention it to the neighbours.

Forgive me for not writing sooner

Sept the 5 1863

Dere Wife

I received your letter on last Tuesday and was very glad that you was still well but I wood feele a great [d]eal better if you ware over your truble and well again and then I wood be contented but now I cant rest at night for thinking about you I think that I can see you laying in bed sick as the night that you had Willia[m] when I com in the roome and stood in front of the bed and you put your arm around my neck and kissed me I shall never forget that time but I hope by the time you receive this you will be over the worst of your trubl and not have as hard a time as when you had Willia[m] and when I get home again I will hug and kiss you for to make up for the last time when I was home But if you get it very sick let me know at once I am still running at night I have not been very well for the last week but I feele a great [d]eal better I did not work for 4 days and I wanted to get a furlow for a five days but thay wood not give me one the superentendent told me that he wanted all of his men that has been drafted to stay at work with him that thare wont be any truble about it if thare is any truble at home about it let me know and I will get a letter frome him dont say anything to the nabors about this if thay ask you tell Genl Haupt has made arrangement with the sectary of war to leve us ware we are for the me[n] on the RR is getting very scarce since the Draft give my best respct to all of my old frends and kiss William for me and I will return it to you again if I can get a place for you in town to stay awile after you get right well again I want you to com down for it wont cost as much for you to come here as it [is] close for me to com home I will bring my letter to a [close] but remane your effectant Husband S.H. Pearce

Write as soon as you receive this and tell me how your belly is. (2)

Herman Haupt overseeing work on the Orange & Alexandria Railroad, 1863 (Library of Congress)

As it was, Margaret had given birth three days before Samuel had written the letter. The couple’s second son John had arrived on 2nd September 1863. The next letter in the file is written some 6 months later, on 29th March 1864. By now Samuel’s circumstances had changed considerably. He was in Alexandria, Virginia, a newly recruited member of the 116th Pennsylvania Regiment, Irish Brigade (he had mustered in four days before). His railroad employment had not in the end provided an exemption; arrested by the Provost Marshal, Samuel was allowed his freedom only on the condition that he would enlist. This letter was the first news that Margaret received of his new profession. Samuel wrote home that his enlistment didn’t really matter anyway, as he felt his wife did not think much of him.

march the 29

Deare Wife

I take the presant opportunity of writing you a few lines I am well at presant and hope this will find you and the children the same I supose it will not be very pleasant for you to here whare I am at presant but thay got me at last I was running on the Pittsburgh and Fort Wayne Road and some body found out whare I was and I was arested and the prov[ost] marshall said if I wood enlist in som Penn Reightiment he wood let me go and I thaught that wood be the best thing I could do for I could not com home any how and I was all the time in truble and now thay cant arest me again so I will try it  as will for if I did not go now I wood of have to gone some time and I think this is the best time now for thare will [be] a very large army this Spring thare is no end to the troups coming in I joined the 116 Penn R Comp I our Company is doing gard duty at Alexandria I dont know when we will joine the Reightiment I got $300 local bounty and will get $300 more government bounty if I stay long enough I sent you 2.75 dollars by exppress I kept 25 for I had to buy some things when you go for the money as for a bundle for I sent my overcoat and pants home donts wory your self about me for I am not much acount to you any haw I have no more to write this time when you write direckt your letter to Samuel Price Company I 116 Pennsly Volenteers Alexandria Va

Yours Truly

S. H. Pearce

Write as soon as you get this and tell me wether you got the money and bundle

I will write before wee leve Alexandria (3)

A Soldier’s dream of Home (Library of Congress)

Just over a week later Samuel was writing home again. The final letter in the file was clearly penned in reply to Margaret’s response to the previous correspondence. She had not taken the enlistment well and had done nothing but cry since his letter had arrived. Samuel sought to reassure her that he was relatively safe in the pioneer corps, and expressed a hope that if he could get through the summer he would get back to the railroad. He elaborated on his comments of the previous letter (and clearly is also addressing Margaret’s response in which she said she was faithful to him) by explaining how they arose because of the way Margaret treated him when he was last home– a passage which includes unusually explicit references to their sex life. Despite his unhappiness, Samuel reiterated his love for her; he closes by telling Margaret that he had enlisted under the name ‘Price’ instead of ‘Pearce’ to secure the bounty money– he was worried that if he didn’t use an alias the fact that he was drafted might deny it to him.

Camp near Culppeper

April the 8

Dere Wife

I received your letter yesterday and was glad to here that you was well but am sory that you take it so hard about me but try and content your self for the summer and then I will try and get detailed on the R. R. I dont think that I am in much danger for I was detailed out of the Company on monday and put in the Pinere Corps so I wont have any fighting to do as long as I am with it you speak of being true to me I never thaught any thing els of you for I know that you dont like fuckn very well and I dont think that you want any other man to do it for you for I think I alwaise gave you as much as you wanted but I think you apeard very coull [cool] towards me when I was home for I thaught you thaught more of your neabors than you did of me or else you wood [have] stayed up stairs with me more then you did when I asked you to wash my blouse you growld about it and you left me go away [with] dirty draws and stockings I thaught the way you apeared that you did not care wither I went away or not that is all the falt ever I found of you for I love you and all ways thaught that you might of been a little more loving to me when I cam home for it was not often that I cam hom to see you you say you don nothing but cry since you received my letter I have don the same thing about you for thare is hardley a minit that passes over but I think of you and what you wood do if I was kiled but if the war dont wind up this summer I think I can get out of it next winter so keep in good hart and I will do the hest I can and will write when ever I can get a chance we have a good [d]eal of work to do around camp building houses for the officers the resan that I told you to direckt to Price is that I inlisted in that name for I was afraid that thay might find out in the Regihtment that I was drafted and then I wood not get any bounty so when you write direckt Samuel P. Price Company I 116 R P. Volenteers Alexandria Va I wish you wood get me 2 woolen shirts of some kind for I cant ware the government shirts get something that wont shrink and get me 2 0r 3 pair of cottan stockings and some smoking tobacco and send them to me as soon as you can no more at presant but rmane your effectant Husgend S. H. Pearse

write soon

Dont forget and direct any letter to S. H. Price (4)

Samuel Pearce did not stay in the pioneer corps. Two months later he was in the ranks of the 116th Pennsylvania when they found themselves caught in a withering fire during the Battle of Cold Harbor on 3rd June 1864. Struck in the lower left thigh by a bullet, he was carried from the field and ultimately to the 3rd Division Hospital in Alexandria. He died there of septicemia on 12th July. Samuel was buried in Alexandria National Cemetery, where he rests in Plot 2934– his headstone bears the alias under which he enlisted.

Despite their extremely personal content, Margaret handed these letters to the pension bureau, as their reference to Samuel’s alias provided evidence that established her as the rightful widow of ‘Samuel Price’. She received a pension for only a short period; her marriage to James Rementer in 1866 saw her lose her entitlement to it. Although her firstborn son William did not survive, her second son John did, joining three half-siblings by Margaret’s second marriage. John, whose imminent birth Samuel wrote of in 1863, would later say regarding him: ‘I do not remember my father. I understood that he was shot at Cold Harbor and died in the hospital from the effects of the wound. I was raised by my mother until I was grown…She re-married James Rementer. I grew up to consider him my father.’ Widowed for a second time in 1876, Margaret did not seek to reactivate her pension until 1911. She passed away at the Philadelphia Home for Veterans of the G.A.R. and Wives in Philadelphia on 3rd December 1924– fully sixty years after her first husband. (5)

Alexandria National Cemetery (Alexander Herring)

* None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) Samuel Pearce Widow’s Pension File; (2) Ibid.; (3) Ibid.; (4) Ibid.; (5) Ibid.;

References

Samuel H. Pearce Widow’s Pension File WC63690.

Civil War Trust Battle of Cold Harbor Page.

Richmond National Battlefield Park.

Samuel Price Find A Grave Memorial.

Corporal John Doherty of the Irish Brigade wrote a series of letters home to his family from Virginia and Maryland in the summer of 1862. Transcribed here for the first time, the letters detail John’s pride in the Irish Brigade– ‘the envy of the rest of the army’– but likewise suggest that the realities of fighting had cured him of any romance concerning war– soldiering was ‘not what it is cracked up to be.’ Equally they describe his contact and experiences with well-known figures, be it the ‘drunken freaks’ of Thomas Francis Meagher, the call by George B. McClellan to give three cheers for the ‘old green flag’ or the opportunity the Irishmen had to ‘astonish’ President Abraham Lincoln. Described also are the hardships of the march, as the Brigade headed towards the disaster that was befalling their comrades at Second Bull Run, and the strength that religious faith could provide on the battlefield. Ultimately John’s are a sequence of letters that were cut short by what turned out to be the bloodiest day in United States history. (1)

President Lincoln reviewing the troops at Harrison’s Landing, an event which John Doherty witnessed and described (Library of Congress)

John Doherty hailed from Ireland– it has not yet proved possible to establish where. His parents James and Ann had been married there on 25th May 1837, with John being born around the year 1839. At some juncture, probably around 1850, they emigrated to New York, eventually settling in Strattonport (later College Point) in Queens on Long Island. The 1860 Census records the family (in Flushing, Long Island) headed by 50-year-old Ann. John made his living in a local button factory, where he earned between $5 and $12 per week. With his father having passed away not long after the family came to America, John’s earnings were important to his wider family. It seems likely his then 19-year-old brother Patrick worked in the same trade, while his 17-year-old sister Mary is recorded as a ‘Factory girl.’ Their earnings helped to support not only their mother, but also their younger siblings Thomas (14) and James (10). Mary Donohue, a 27-year-old seamstress (possibly a relative of Ann) also lived with the family. All had been born in Ireland. On the 20th February 1862 John decided that his future lay away from the factory, and instead opted for the field of battle. On 3rd April 1862 he mustered in as a private in Company F of the 63rd New York Infantry, part of Brigadier-General Thomas Francis Meagher’s Irish Brigade. (2)

John was soon writing home. His mother Ann was illiterate, but as was common for many, Irish neighbours Thomas Smyth and Patrick Curtin called round to read John’s letters to her when they arrived. The first letter preserved in John’s file was written from Harrison’s Landing, Virginia in late July, McClellan having withdrawn his army to that position following defeat during the Seven Days’ Battles. By this time John appears to have been promoted to Corporal.

July 19th/62

Harrisons Landing Va

Dear Mother,

I got your long looked for but welcome letter it being a month since I got a letter from you, I thought you had forgotten me. I hope you will not be as long without writing any more. I got paid 2 months pay yesterday we got paid to the 1st of May, I hear we will get 2 months more next week. I gave $25.00 to Father Dillon to send to you by Adams Express, my pay came to $29.90. I said in my letter to Pat that Father Dillon was put under arrest, he was released in 2 days after. He said he did not know why he was arrested, I think it was a drunken freak of Genel Meagher. Father Dillon is a very good man he is highly esteemed not only by the Brigade but by all the Irish Regts in this Army. Every place we go he has some kind of a church made of green boughs with the cross on top of it, many of them is scattered all over Virginia yet in the places we passed through. I got a letter from Uncle John a week ago he and family is well he has been long waiting for a letter from you but got none. I got a newspaper with your letter yesterday, you need not send me any more the[y] are too old when I get them, you might send me a weekly paper once in a while. If it would not be too much trouble I would like very much to get [a] box but I am afraid it would hardly come safe. If you would send one you might send 1 cotton pocket handkerchief, 1 towel, 4 sheets writing paper, 6 envelopes a bottle of ink needles and thread and a piece of chees[e] and a box of Ayers Pills. I have diarrhea this week past, I am able to do duty though I don’t feel very well. You need not go to much trouble about the box for it is only a chance whether it would come or not but if you send it send by Adams Express and mark it well– Co. F, 63 Regt., N.Y. Vols ., Haris[s]ons Landing, Va. We have all got knapsacks and every thing we want of clothing since we came here I want you to b[u]y a good dress out of the $25 Dollars and if there is enough left let Mary and Aunt Mary have a dress out of it, that is providing you don’t need it for some other more needful want. I was over with Pat Eagen the other day I saw Tom they are both well, Lieutenant James Smith has returned to his Company he is doing duty though he is a little leam [lame]. I saw Barney Doherty a week ago he is well he sent his best wishes to you all. I hope none of the boys will take it in to their head to list for soldiering is not what it is cracked up to be. I sent a letter to Pat and one to Joe Larkin giving some account of fighting we went through during the week that we changed our position from Fair Oaks to James River, this is a nice place and we don’t have much to do but the we[a]ther is very hot. President Linco[l]n visited us last week he was received with great enthusiasm although the army when passing through McClellan and several other Generals we gave three Cheers for him, Genl McClellan said boys give 3 more for the old green flag, which was given in a style that must have astonished old Abe. Write as soon as you get the money give my best respects to all my friends and my love to Mary and my Aunt and to my Brothers. I conclude with my love to dear Mother in the warmest manner,

Your affectionate son,

John Doherty. (3)

Ayer’s Pills were a popular medication for stomach complaints. This is a post Civil War advertisement for the product (East Carolina University DIgital Collections Image 12.1.23.13)

The Father Dillon referred to was James Dillon, the popular chaplain of the 63rd New York. It is not clear why Meagher had placed the priest under arrest, but John’s reference to a ‘drunken freak’ of General Meagher is interesting. Allegations of excessive drinking were often levelled at Meagher by his enemies, particularly with respect to his battlefield performance. The men of his Brigade never raised such combat-related concerns, and remained extremely loyal to their charismatic commander. However, references such as this (which suggests it may not have been an isolated ‘freak’) and comments on the General’s excessive drinking in private William McCarter’s memoirs do suggest that Meagher had a drink problem. The psychological strain Meagher would have been under from June 1862 onwards– when his Brigade was being exposed to heavy combat– may well have had an impact on his drinking habits. John also bore witness to Abraham Lincoln’s visit to the army at Harrison’s Landing on 8th July, when the President had arrived to meet with George B. McClellan, the army commander. McClellan was virtually idolised by the majority of the Irish Brigade. He was temporarily replaced as the Army of the Potomac’s commander by Lincoln following this visit. Pat and Tom Eagan both served in the 69th New York. Pat had enlisted aged 28 in 1861 and was discharged for disability in December 1862. Tom had been 31 when he enlisted in 1861; he was wounded at Antietam and discharged for disability in 1863. Lieutenant James Smith of the 69th had enlisted aged 27. He was wounded at Ream’s Station in 1864, and would eventually become Lieutenant-Colonel of the regiment in 1865. John’s next letter was written at the start of August, with the Brigade still at Harrison’s Landing. (4)

Harrisons Landing August 1st/62

Dear Mother,

I received your letter of the 28th ulto. this morning, I am very glad that you so far recovered from your late illness as to be able to go to Brooklyn. I am glad that my sister and brothers and Aunt is well and I am well to[o] thanks be to God for this goodness to us. I got paid today 2 months pay, I sent you $25.oo by Adams Express Company. I would not have sent it today only that I got your letter and that you got the other without trouble. I wish you had not put yourself to so much [trouble] in sending a box for it is only a chance if I get it and I don’t think we well stop very long here, as we are under marching orders to be ready at a moments notice. Pat and Tom Egan is well I saw them twice since Sunday. I hope my friends in Brooklyn will excuse me for not writing as it is hard to get pens and ink here. As it is such a short time since I wrote to Mary I have nothing new so I will conclude with my love to you and to my brothers and sister and Aunt in the warmest manner,

Your affectionate son,

John Doherty. (5)

Members of the Irish Brigade at Harrison’s Landing in 1862. The figure seated in the centre is Father James Dillon, who John Doherty discusses in his contemporary letters (Library of Congress)

The final letter in John’s file dates to 4th September and was written from Maryland. The Irish Brigade were among units being withdrawn from the Virginia Peninsula to respond to Confederate movements, which would eventually seen the Rebels score a victory at the Second Battle of Bull Run fought between 28th and 30th of August. The Second Corps and the Irish Brigade arrived too late to assist in the fighting, but did help to cover the retreat of John Pope’s defeated forces:

Tenally Town Md Sept 4th/62

Dear Mother,

I take this opportunity of writing to you to let you know that I enjoy good he[a]lth thanks be to God. I hope this will find you all enjoying good he[a]lth. I rec’d a letter from you before I left Harrisons Landing, I got one from Mary at Newport News and 6 newspapers and a letter two days ago at Centerville. I am glad that you are well, we have had a very hard time of it since we left Harrisons Landing on Saturday the 16^th of August. The first day we marched 4 miles, the second we marched 20, the next 5, the next 10, the next 10, the next 21, the next 9. The we[a]ther was very hot and we were almost smothered with dust but the cheerful spirit of the Irish Brigade made the road seem short, the funny joke and merry laugh of the men at all times whether on the battlefield, on the march or in camp makes the Brigade the envy of the rest of the army– the[y] would go along in silence looking sad while the Irish men would be laughing and singing. I began to write a letter to you at Newport News but before I had written two lines the order was given to fall in and I sealed it up and sent it to you we took the boat to Aquia Creek, we went from there to Fredericksburgh, from there back to Aquia Creek, then to Alexandria from there to Camp California, from there back to Alexandria and on to the Chain Bridge above Washington. We were there about 2 hours when we were ordered to fall in again and marched to Centerville near Bull Run without resting, then back to Fairfax. There we were left to cover the retreat of the right wing of the army, the enemy began to shell us there but done us no harm and when all the army had passed we covered their retreat. We then marched back and crossed the Chain Bridge and are now half a day without haveing to march any. We are about 6 miles from Washington through all the marching and fitegues [fatigues] and hunger, for we were six days on two days rations. I have not missed a role call though sometimes there would not be one fourth of [the] company present after a long march. I was offered a s[e]argents place in Company G but I did not like officers and would not take it.

Those small articles that you mention in one of your letters I have them yet and wear them all the time indeed the[y] gave me a feeling of safety in the time of danger when the shells was bursting over us and the bullets flying thick around I felt perfectly safe.

You may do as you please with the money I sent you, send me 2 dollars in your next letter I can get anything I want here as cheap almost as at home, any New York bills is as good here as anything else. I saw Pat and Tom Eagan day before yesterday they are well I saw all the Turners on Monday they are well. Sister Mary’s letter of the 37^th ult. gives more Strattonport news than all I got since I left. I shall write to her in a few days, I have not got the box you sent me nor don’t expect to.

Give my respect to all my friends and neighbours and my love to my Aunt and sister and brothers your loving son,

John Doherty

Direct Meaghers Irish Brigade Washington DC

McArdle has not been with us since we were at Fredericksburg. (6)

John’s descriptions of the marching and the straggling that resulted provide a good impression of the physical toll such manoeuvres took on the men, as well as the esprit-de-corps of the Irish Brigade. The ‘small articles’ that John’s mother mentioned are almost certainly scapulars, which were popular among Irish Catholic troops. The same day that John wrote this letter, advance elements of Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia moved into Maryland. Within a couple of days the Army of the Potomac, and the Irish Brigade, moved to respond. It was a campaign that culminated less than two weeks after John’s letter on the Antietam battlefield– the bloodiest single day of American history. It was also the worst day of the war for the 63rd New York; they took a total of 202 casualties in front of the Sunken Road– nearly 37.5% of the Brigade’s total. You can see a visualisation of just how devastating Antietam was to the 63rd here. The McArdle who John writes of not having seen since Fredericksburg (presumably a result of straggling), 38-year-old Francis McArdle, was one of those casualties. He made it back to his unit in time to be mortally wounded at Antietam, dying at Frederick on 9th October 1862. Another victim of the costly assault was Corporal John Doherty. In the end his scapulars did not protect him; his promised letter to his sister Mary likely went unwritten, the two dollars his mother sent him unspent. Ann Doherty would outlive her son by more than three and a half decades, passing away on 13th November 1898. She is buried in Mount Saint Mary Cemetery in Flushing. (7)

Antietam Battlefield. The Confederates held the Sunken Lane to the left of the image, with the Irish Brigade advancing from right to left across the field. It was in the vicinity of this field that John Doherty died (Damian Shiels)

*Punctuation and grammatical formatting has been added to the original letter for ease of reading. None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

(1) John Dougherty Dependent Mother’s Pension File; (2) Ibid., 1860 Federal Census (the family are erroneously listed under ‘Dchartz’ on ancestry.com), New York Adjutant General 1902a: 42; (3) John Dougherty Dependent Mother’s Pension File; (4) New York Adjutant General 1902b: 104, 105, 324; (5) John Dougherty Dependent Mother’s Pension File; (6) Ibid.; (7) Ibid.; Official Records: 192, New York Adjutant General 1902a: 112;

References & Further Reading

John Dougherty Dependent Mother Pension File WC 93207.

1860 U.S. Federal Census.

New York Adjutant General 1901a. Annual Report of the Adjutant-General of the State of New York for the Year 1901 (Registers Sixty-Third New York Infantry).

New York Adjutant General 1901b. Annual Report of the Adjutant-General of the State of New York for the Year 1901 (Registers Sixty-Ninth New York Infantry).

Official Records of the War of the Rebellion Series 1, Volume 19, Part 1. Returns of Casualties in Union Forces.

East Carolina University Digital Collections.

Civil War Trust Battle of Antietam Page.

The Battle of Antietam on the Web.

Antietam National Battlefield.

Many of the posts on this site explore elements of the Irish experience at the Battle of Antietam, the bloodiest single day of the Civil War, fought on 17th September 1862. Many of the widow’s pension files that I now concentrate on were created as a result of those day’s events. It was also a battle of unprecedented slaughter for the Irish Brigade. They were sent against the strong Confederate positions along the Sunken Lane, forever now remembered as Bloody Lane. In the process they suffered 540 casualties, including 113 killed outright and 422 wounded. Losses were particularly heavy in the 69th New York and 63rd New York. Last year I had an opportunity to visit the battlefield, and to walk some of the ground covered by the Irish Brigade that day. The photo gallery below is an attempt to present readers who may not have had that opportunity with some of the key locations that formed part of the Irish Brigade’s experience of that dreadful battle. You can view the gallery as a slideshow by clicking on any of the images below.

On 30th October 1864 the famed 69th New York Infantry suffered one of it’s most embarrassing moments of the war, when a large number of its men were captured having barely fired a shot. In the latest post I have used a number of sources to explore this event, seeking to uncover details about those men captured– who they were, how long they had served, what became of them. In an effort to consider why this mass-capture occurred, the post also examines how veteran soldiers defined ‘old’ and ‘new’ men, and provides detail on a number of the 69th POWs who decided to take up arms for the Confederacy. 

The 69th New York were positioned in this sector of the line on 30th October 1864, in front of Fort Davis. Extract from a map drawn by Brevet Colonel Michler for Jarratt’s Hotel, Petersburg.

In the widow’s and dependent pension file research I conduct into Irish soldiers in the American Civil War, one year that crops up again and again– 1864. Grant’s strategy of applying relentless pressure in both the Eastern and Western Theaters was ultimately a war-winning one for the Union, but it carried with it a staggering human cost. From an Irish perspective, I find the period of 1864-5 by far the most intriguing of the conflict. It was a year that appears (though there is a need for significant analysis in this area) to see a large number of first-time Irish soldiers enlisting to take advantage of the major economic incentives available for service. It was also a year that saw the effective destruction of many of the old ‘green flag’ ethnic units, notably those serving in the Army of the Potomac’s Second Corps. Losses, combat fatigue and high troop turnover meant that few of the famed regiments and brigades from 1861 and 1862 that continued their service escaped without blots on their military record. In the East, engagements such as Ream’s Station (see here) and Second Deep Bottom were testament to the failing fighting strength of many such units. The Irish Brigade was no exception. By mid-June 1864, the Brigade, which had already received an infusion of new men before the Overland Campaign commenced, was so reduced in numbers that it was effectively broken-up, with the core New York regiments forming part of what became known as the ‘Consolidated Brigade’ of the First Division, Second Corps. It was as part of this Consolidated Brigade that the 69th New York suffered perhaps it’s greatest embarrassment of the war– the mass capture of large numbers of it’s troops while on picket duty outside Petersburg on 30th October 1864.

The events of the evening of 30th October 1864 have long held an interest for me, as they suggest the almost complete disintegration of the 69th New York as an effective front-line unit. But just what men made up the 69th New York at the time? How many were recent recruits? how many were substitutes? where were they from? In order to look into this I have analysed both the roster of the 69th New York and the New York Civil War Muster Roll extracts to build a picture of the men captured and their fate. But first it is appropriate to explore the events of the 30th October themselves, an evening when so many of the 69th fell into Rebel hands.

The 30th October found members of the Consolidated Brigade holding a portion of the line around Fort Davis and Fort Sedgwick. The previous evening, elements of the division had launched sorties against the Confederate line; a sally by the 148th Pennsylvania had been followed around 8.30pm that evening with a raid by the 88th New York, as Lieutenant Colonel Denis Burke led 130 men against the Rebel picket line in an area known as the Chimneys, opposite Fort Sedgwick. It may have been these probes that elicited the Confederate response the following evening. The next night both the 69th New York and 111th New York of the Consolidated Brigade were on picket duty. Lieutenant Colonel Lewis Husk of the 111th was in overall command of the picket detail, and reported that some of the men were talking across the lines to the Rebels, an activity which he ordered stopped immediately. Then, sometime between 7 and 8pm, the Rebels silently sent out a force of around 150-200 men to try and snare their opponents. As they crawled flat on the grass towards their target, few of them could have expected the dramatic success which their operation would achieve. (1)

Second Lieutenant Esek W. Hoff of the 111th New York was sitting by his fire at Post No. 1 of his regiment’s picket line when he heard a group of men approaching from the adjacent positions, held by the 69th New York. Presuming it to be his relief, he got his men ready to move out. Stepping aside to let the fresh troops past, Hoff noticed the men’s blue caps and light blue overcoats, but something seemed amiss; the trousers their relief were wearing were gray. Realising his mistake, Hoff dashed off to tell Lieutenant Colonel Husk that Confederates had penetrated the line and were capturing his men. Crucially, Hoff failed to alert Post No. 2 of the intruders’ identity, thereby sealing their fate, as the Rebels swept on down the line. Each picket post in succession mistook the enemy for their relief, until nearly all of the 111th New York’s picket had been ‘gobbled.’ The Confederate strategy had seen them penetrate the Yankee picket line in the 69th New York’s sector, before fanning out left and right to gather up as many prisoners as they could (for an intriguing analysis of this action, see Brett Schulte’s post at Beyond the Crater here). The unfortunate Lieutenant Hoff and the men of the 111th New York had fallen foul of one wing of this thrust– the 69th New York were faring little better against the other. (2)

As Esek Hoff was experiencing what was likely his worst day of the war nearby, Co. Wexford’s Lieutenant Murtha Murphy of the 69th New York was overseeing his portion of the picket line opposite Fort Davis. He recalled how the left of that line rested on an ‘almost impassable’ swamp, which broke his connection with the pickets beyond, while his right connected with the 63rd New York. Murphy’s pickets had orders to fire at intervals of five minutes, which they did for much of the evening, until his Sergeant caught sight of a group of men advancing towards their position from the left front. As with Lieutenant Hoff, the Sergeant assumed the men were their relief, but just to be sure he hailed them. Receiving no answer, Murphy’s men opened fire, which the Rebels answered. They could hear other pickets of the 69th running through the brush off to their left, not realising at the time that they had all been captured and were being herded to Confederate lines. As the firing continued, a sharpshooter from the 3rd Division eventually arrived, informing Murphy that all the men to his left had either been captured or had run away, leaving their muskets behind them in the trenches. When they counted the cost of the evening’s events, the scale of the disaster became clear. For negligible loss, the Confederates had captured 247 men– 82 soldiers of the 111th New York and 1 officer and 164 men of the 69th. (3)

The investigation was immediate. Hoff and other officers on the line were arrested, though ultimately no charges seem to have been brought. Colonel McDougall of the 111th New York pointed to the previous desertion of ten men of the 69th New York to the enemy while serving on this portion of the line as an indication that the Rebels had learned details of their dispositions. This was a view endorsed by Brigadier-General Miles, who thought that ‘deserters from the Sixty-ninth were rebels and informed the enemy of the position of our line.’ Intriguingly, Lieutenant Robert Milliken, commanding the 69th, included in his report a breakdown of the ‘new’ and ‘old’ soldiers of the regiment on the line that night. Of the total, he said they broke down into ‘New men (recruits recently arrived), 190; old soldiers, 40; total, 230. Old commissioned officers, 2; acting lieutenants, 3; total, 5. Of this number 1 old commissioned officer and the 3 acting lieutenants, with 141 new men and 23 old men, were captured.’ (4)

One of the questions I was keen to answer was what constituted a ‘new’ man and who were regarded as ‘old’ men. Was the distinction one of pre-1864 enlistments, or did it literally refer to those soldiers who had joined the regiment in previous days? But firstly I wanted to examine the question of deserters potentially providing information to the enemy. Analysing the unit roster for details of those who deserted the regiment during the month of October revealed 12 men, listed in Table 1 below, though give the often partial nature of these records this is almost certainly not a comprehensive list.

Table 1. Deserters from the 69th New York in October 1864, Ordered by Date of Desertion. Details drawn from 69th New York Roster & New York Muster Roll Extracts. Co. = Company, Enlist. = Enlistment, Sub. = Confirmed Substitute, Occup. = Occupation.

As can be seen from their desertion dates and locations, the majority of these deserters could not have informed the Rebels about the picket dispositions, but two of them could: John Heffernan and William Malloy. Both of these soldiers deserted while on picket duty with Company I on the 26th October, and both had been in the regiment only a matter of days. None of these October deserters were pre-1864 enlistees, and at least five of them had served less than two months. These men were taking a terrible risk by trying to escape service. Only a month previously, on 26th September, 36-year-old Canadian-born farmer John Nichols had deserted from Company A, only four days after mustering in. A substitute, he was shown no mercy– on the 10th March 1865 was executed by hanging. (5)

Table 2. Members of the 69th New York captured on picket at Petersburg, 30th October 1864.Details drawn from 69th New York Roster & New York Muster Roll Extracts. Co. = Company, Sub. = Confirmed Substitute.

What then of the men who were captured on 30th October? I was able to identify 120 of them, and their details are available in Table 2 above. What is immediately apparent is that Milliken’s term ‘new men’ referred to those who had just arrived. If a soldier had been in the ranks since the start of the Overland Campaign, he was deemed an ‘old soldier.’ As we can see in Chart 1, only four of the men I identified as captured were pre-1864 enlistees, with a further 22 having joined up prior to the commencement of the Overland Campaign. The vast bulk (including all bar one of the soldiers clearly identifiable as substitutes) had mustered in during the campaign. 86 of the soldiers had only been with the regiment since August– 60 of them having entered the regiment in September. They were undoubtedly on the whole brand new men, with limited training and experience. A total of 39 of the men were confirmed substitutes, and again the vast majority– 32– had arrived in September. Another substitute had arrived in October, but only one of the substitutes identified had come prior to July. (6)

Chart 1. 69th New York Soldiers Captured on 30th October 1864 by Muster Date (click to enlarge).

Among the other interesting details to emerge were the professions of the men. Unsurprisingly laborers dominated (33), followed by farmers (10). Those captured were largely young, with 34 being teenagers and a further 73 under the age of 25. Only 24 of the men were identified as over 30 years-of-age. Chart 2 below illustrates the nativity of the soldiers. Despite the influx of new recruits, it is interesting to observe that Irish nativity still accounted for the majority of 1864 enlistees; the number known to be born in Ireland (43) is almost double the number of men identified as being born in New York (22). For 25 of the men no nativity was recorded, and there were 12 Germans, 6 Canadians and 5 English among the number. (7)

Chart 2. Nativity of 69th New York Soldiers Captured at Petersburg on 30th October 1864 (click to enlarge)

What became of these men once they had been captured on that fateful night? 18 of them were reported has having died as Prisoners of War, the vast bulk in Salisbury, North Carolina. It is likely that some of the other men whose fate went unrecorded met a similar end. A further three men succumbed to disease shortly after their exchange. One returned to the 69th only to be killed in action on 25th March 1865. At least eight of the men sought to escape the horrors of prison life by making a bargain with the Confederates. One of the men was recorded as taking an Oath of Allegiance to the Confederacy (he was subsequently pardoned) while seven more enlisted in the Confederate army. Of these eight men, one was a July enlistee in the 69th but all the others had mustered in during September. I examined the Confederate Service Records for details of where these Galvanized Rebels served (see below). They all joined either the 1st or 2nd Battalions of the ‘Foreign Legion Infantry’, units specifically formed from among Federal prisoners and which supposedly targeted emigrant Yankees.

8th Battalion Confederate Infantry (2nd Foreign Legion Infantry)

Robert Perry, Company D, enlisted on 10th December 1864 at Florence

George Reed, Company B, enlisted on 10th December 1864 at Florence

Andrew Wesler, Company B, enlisted on 10th December 1864 at Florence, recaptured by General Stoneman and released in Nashville on 6th July 1865

Richard Irwin, Company F, enlisted on 13th December 1864 at Salisbury

Tucker’s Regiment Confederate Infantry (1st Foreign Legion Infantry)

Lewis (Levi) Smith, Company I, enlisted on 1st December 1864 at Salisbury

Richard Williams, Company E, enlisted on 7th November 1864 at Salisbury

I could find no record of Francis Cross’s service in the Confederate military (8)

The events of the 30th October 1864 were a major embarrassment to the 69th New York. Analysis of the records of the men captured demonstrates just how much the 69th had been impacted by 1864. As we have seen before on the site (for example here) many 1864 recruits who had joined the Irish Brigade before the Overland Campaign developed their own esprit de corps, and clearly by the autumn of 1864 they were considered old soldiers by many of the volunteers of 1861 and 1862 as well. The huge influx of recruits in September had transformed the regiment, and indeed in many respects it bore no resemblance to the formation that had taken the field in The Wilderness the previous May. But two days after the debacle of 30th October there was better news for the men of the old Brigade. On 1st November 1864, after much effort, Colonel Robert Nugent took command of a newly reconstituted Irish Brigade. He told the troops that ‘In assuming command of the old Irish Brigade, it gives me much satisfaction to know that, although fearfully decimated by the casualties of a campaign, in which its officers and soldiers endured, with a cheerfulness unsurpassed, unusual dangers, hardships, and privations, they still maintain their old reputation for bravery and patriotism. The record of the brigade has been a bright one; it has proved its fidelity to the Union by its courage and sacrifices on many a battle-field. Never has a regimental color of the organization graced the halls of its enemies. Let the spirit that animates the officers and men of the present be that which will shall strive to emulate the deeds of the old brigade.’ (9)

(1) Official Records: 254, Official Records: 258-9, Official Records: 255-6; (2) Official Records: 255-6, 257-8; (3) Official Records: 256, Official Records: 255, Official Records: 257; (4) Official Records: 255, Official Records: 257; (5) 69th New York Roster, New York Muster Roll Extracts; (6) Ibid.; (7) Ibid.; (8) Confederate Service Records; (9) Official Records: 476-7; 

References & Further Reading

Official Records of the War of the Rebellion Series 1, Volume 42, Part 1. Headquarters First Division, Second Army Corps, October 30, 1864.

Official Records of the War of the Rebellion Series 1, Volume 42, Part 1. Headquarters First Division, Second Army Corps, November 2, 1864.

Official Records of the War of the Rebellion Series 1, Volume 42, Part 1. Hdqrs. Third Brigade, First Division, Second Corps, November 1, 1864.

Official Records of the War of the Rebellion Series 1, Volume 42, Part 1. Hdqrs. Third Brigade, First Division, Second Corps, Before Petersburg, November 1, 1864.

Official Records of the War of the Rebellion Series 1, Volume 42, Part 1. Headquarters Sixty-Ninth New York Volunteers, October 31, 1864.

Official Records of the War of the Rebellion Series 1, Volume 42, Part 1. Camp of the Sixty-Ninth Regt. New York Vet. Vols., October 31, 1864.

Official Records of the War of the Rebellion Series 1, Volume 42, Part 1. Headquarters 111th New York Volunteers, October 31, 1864. 

Official Records of the War of the Rebellion Series 1, Volume 42, Part 3. General Orders, No. 1. Hdqrs. 2d Brig., 1st Div., 2d A.

Confederate Service Records.

Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts of New York State Volunteers, United States Sharpshooters, and United States Colored Troops [ca. 1861-1900]. (microfilm, 1185 rolls).Albany, New York: New York State Archives. Ancestry.com. New York, Civil War Muster Roll Abstracts, 1861-1900 [database on-line].

New York Adjutant General 1901. Roster of the 69th New York Infantry.

Civil War Trust Battle of Petersburg Page.

Petersburg National Battlefield.

The Siege of Petersburg Online.

As regular readers are aware, I have long been an advocate of the need to study the thousands of Irish-American letters contained within the Civil War Widows & Dependent Pension Files. This unique resource offers insights into 19th Century Irish emigration that do not exist anywhere else. Their value to Irish, as well as American, history reaches far beyond our understanding of the Irish experience of the conflict itself. They have much to tell us about multiple facets of Irish life, both in Ireland and America. In order to demonstrate this potential, I have broken down one Irish letter into its component parts, in an effort to highlight just how invaluable these primary sources can be for those interested in Irish emigrants. 

The envelope which contained Peter Finegan’s letter to his parents, which is analysed below (Fold3.com/NARA)

On 13th December 1862, 21 year-old immigrant Private Peter Finegan of the 116th Pennsylvania Infantry, Irish Brigade, marched out of the town of Fredericksburg and towards Marye’s Heights. What happened to the regiment next is well documented. It was Peter’s first battle, and we are left to ponder what went through his mind as he advanced through the deadly blizzard of fire that engulfed him. It seems probable he made it past the long-range artillery fire that first gouged red trails of savagery through the Brigade’s ranks, but he was not so lucky when it came to the Rebel infantry. As the Northerners advanced, the Confederates behind the stone wall rose to pour a curtain of lead into their foe. Peter’s Captain remembered seeing the young Irishman being struck four times by bullets, inflicting wounds which ended his life. Just over 10 weeks before his death, Peter had written to his parents from his base in Fairfax Court House. In 1866, in an effort to secure a pension based on their son’s service, Peter’s mother and father included that letter in their application, where it has remained in their file ever since. (1)

Head quarters 116 Reg P. V.

Camp Bardwell, Sep 29th 1862

Dear Father & Mother

I Rec’d your kind and welcome letter about a week ago which gave me much pleasure to hear from you and I would have wrote before this only waiting for the Captain to come from the City of Philadelphia with the money so to day I send you’s $40 dollars by Adams Express Company as soon as you receive the money write to me without delay and let me know for I have the receipt for it and if you dont get it they will have it to pay when you get this letter go right away to Charles Hughes and you will get the money I’m sorry I could not send it sooner for I think by the times you were in need of it and you’s will never want while I can get any thing to help you’s along only dont be worrying yourselves about me I am all right thank God. (2)

This first element of Peter’s letter follows the general norms of what we expect from Irish letters of this period. By far the most common form sees the writer express a wish that those at home are in good health, before then stating that they themselves are well, e.g.: ‘I hope this letter finds you well as this leaves me at present thanks be to God.’ The letter immediately contains the detail which led to its inclusion in the pension application– a reference to $40 Peter was sending by Adams Express, thereby proving (as was required by the Pension Bureau) that he financially supported his parents. The Adams Express Company played a vital role for all troops at the front, and it is frequently referenced in their letters. Another common sentiment expressed in soldier’s letters is for family not to worry themselves about their welfare, and also of their determination to provide for their dependents. (3)

I was at the Holy Sacrifice of Mass this morning it was read in Camp and I think we will have mass every morning now from this out. He hears confessions every night so it gives us all a chance to go and he says he will be with us on the Battle Field so that is a great consolation to us… (4)

The letter continues with reference to Peter’s Catholic religion, which was clearly important to him and his family. Many Irish soldier’s correspondence carry references to the importance of their faith, with family often sending scapulars for the men to wear. Those Catholic Irish troops in designated Irish regiments, such as the 116th Pennsylvania, generally had significantly better access to Catholic chaplains than those that served in non-ethnic units. (5)

…so Father & Mother the only thing I as[k] of you both is not to worry about me I know I done wrong in leaving you both at the ending of your days but I hope you will forgive me and with the help of God I hope I will live to see yous in your little Home together once more and then I will take some of your advice but there is no use crying about spilt milk… (6)

Peter clearly felt guilty at leaving his parents alone in Pennsylvania. He felt this way due to a factor common among even large emigrant families– Peter was his mother and father’s main support in their old age. Particularly for those reliant on unskilled labouring, illness and infirmity posed the greatest threats to their ability to support themselves. Peter’s father, Peter Senior, had been a day-laborer, but in 1861 feebleness brought on by age (he was then in his late 60s) meant he couldn’t find work. This left Peter Senior and his wife Mary facing the very real prospect of destitution. With no property, and personal belongings valued only at $50, they needed another source of income. Today we would be surprised that this might have been the case, given that Peter Senior and Mary had six living adult children. Apart from Peter, the couple had two other sons and three daughters. Why did they not provide more assistance? The obligation fell on Peter not because his siblings were unprepared to help their parents, but because they were unable to afford it. All of them were married with families of their own; for many poorer emigrants, responsibilities to spouses and children often left nothing for ageing parents. In extreme cases older people could find themselves reliant on public charity, despite having a number of living children. Peter’s parents were spared this fate prior to 1862, as their unmarried son continued to live with them (seemingly along with their grandson), bringing in $6 a week between 1859 and 1862 by driving a wagon for a local business and using his earnings to buy food and fuel for them. (7)

…you’s can tell Miles wife that I want to know in the next letter if she lives in the same place yet for I will write to her and whoever writes letters for yous I dont want such talking about affairs as was in the other I know wright from wrong so its no use talking about it now Ive got enough to tend to although I can get anything I want from the men because I play the fiddle for them at night and we have plenty of fun Joe Benn’s son from Phila is out here in the same Regiment with me… (8)

Here Peter makes direct reference to another reality for the majority of 19th century Irish emigrants– the fact that many were illiterate. However, illiteracy did not prevent written communication. Hundreds of thousands of letters where both sender and recipient were illiterate travelled between Irish communities in the United States, and between Irish emigrants in America and those at home in Ireland. This was facilitated by the use of intermediaries who would both write letters that were dictated to them and read out letters that were received. These intermediaries were often other family members or neighbours, and in the case of soldiers literate men within the Company. One implication of this was that these 19th century letters represented a more communal experience than we associate with modern written correspondence. In the recent past (at least prior to the digital age) letter writing often carried it with it an implicit understanding of being a largely private communication between two individuals. But this only became possible when literacy reached levels which allowed the majority of people to correspond directly. For letters like that of Peter Finegan and the bulk of other 19th century Irish emigrants, we must instead imagine the letter as a more public experience, with the words being read out in front of a number of friends and family members. The degree of trust which had to be placed in the intermediary charged with writing/reading these letters was also important, particularly when they were non-family members dealing with potentially sensitive issues. In the above passage this was clearly a concern for Peter, as he asked his parents not to discuss personal affairs when he didn’t know who was writing their letters for them (it seems from the correspondence that Peter’s parents were also extremely concerned about his well-being having enlisted). (9)

A further element in this passage refers to the popularity Peter enjoyed within the ranks due to his ability to play the fiddle, highlighting the importance of music among members of the Irish community (and indeed American society in general). Interestingly Peter also implies that his ability to play the instrument conferred on him economic benefit from those around him: ‘I can get anything I want from the men,’ demonstrating that such a skill could provide valuable supplementary benefits for those able to master it. (10)

…when you’s write to me let me know how Terence is getting along and wife and family and all the other Finegan’s as their is so many of them I have not time to mention all as I have to go on Guard at 12 O’Clock tell O’Neills to send me Johny’s directions in this letter so I can write to him let me know how Joe Sanders is getting along if he wants ditching their is plenty of it down in old Virginia to be done we are stationed at Fair Fax Court House where their was a great many hard battles fought As for William Kerns family I suppose their alone poor folks Willie Kerns wrote a letter to Tom O’Brian and he did not think worth while to mention me in it so it is the same on this side let me know how James O’Neill and wife and also the old couple and Bridget Dunleavy and family Mrs Harley and Mrs McNamara [?] and Burns family and Miles not forgetting old uncle Barney Rose Ann Mary and all…(11)

Practically all the many hundreds of letters I have read from Irish emigrants in the 1850s and 1860s conclude with a similar roll-call of requests, seeking to discover how local friends and family were faring, and often requesting that best wishes be sent to an array of individuals. Despite appearances, this was more than simply perfunctory; many letters indicate that there was an obligation to ask after certain friends and relations. This can be seen in letters which express apologies for omitting individuals from the list, and also in examples such as this from Peter, where he has clearly taken offence at not having been mentioned in a letter written by Willie Kerns to Tom O’Brian. Clearly insulted, he says ‘so it is the same on this side’ as he explicitly does not want to know how Willie is getting on. In putting this in the letter, it is apparent that Peter intends for Willie Kerns to hear that he was angered at being omitted. Such a degree of chagrin at not being included in a letter’s acknowledgements is far from uncommon in Irish emigrant letters. (12)

The passage also sees Peter refer directly to other members of his family, of which there were ‘so many’ in the community where he lived. That community was Chester County, Pennsylvania, most specifically the town of West Chester, where there were indeed ‘many’ Finnegans. Aside from Peter and his parents, the 1860 Census records his relations Terence (39), a day-laborer with his wife Catharine and their six children (Real Estate: $0, Personal Estate: $50); Patrick (30), a day-laborer with his wife Bridget and their three children (Real Estate: $800, Personal Estate: $300); Michael (29), a day laborer with his wife Alice and their three children (Real Estate: $700, Personal Estate: $50); and James (28), a merchant with his wife Mary and daughter (Real Estate: $3700, Personal Estate: $3000). In addition Peter’s uncle Barney (35) lived in nearby West Bradford, where he made his living as a farmer with his wife Catherine and their three children (Real Estate: $3000, Personal Estate: $200). Another potential relative Peter (28) lived in Phoenixville with his wife Bridget and their two children (Real Estate: $0, Personal Estate: $50). It is unfortunately not possible to identify many of the female Finnegans with certainty in the 1860 Census due to the adoption of their husband’s surnames, but many undoubtedly also lived in the area. In every single instance cited above both parents had been born in Ireland, while all the children had been born in Pennsylvania. The Finnegans represent a classic case of chain migration, which saw members of one family (or local community) emigrate to the same area over time, usually following in the footsteps of relatives who had blazed the trail, in this instance to Chester County. As can be seen from the estates that some of the Finnegans possessed in 1860– namely James, the West Chester merchant and Barney, the West Bradford farmer– a number of them had already made a success of life in America. Escaping life as a day-laborer appeared to be the key to developing an increased quality of life, as the 1850 Census records both James and Barney prior to their success, working as laborers in West Chester. (13)

So it seems likely that Peter Finnerty and his family settled in West Chester because they already had family there. But what drove them to leave? The potential answer lies in the date of their arrival in the United States. The records suggest that they are the Finnerty family which arrived in Philadelphia aboard the packet ship Saranak from Liverpool on 18th May 1847. The family do not appear to have been the only Finnertys aboard. The manifest lists 45-year-old laborer Peter Finegan, his wife ‘Mrs. Finnegan’, 16-year-old Judith, 16-year-old Matthew, 12-year-old Rose, 8-year-old Mary, 6-year-old Peter (almost certainly the author of this letter, who died at Fredericksburg), 20-year-old Patrick, 18-year-old Mary, 15-year-old Peggy and 19-year-old Michael. It is probably no coincidence that they all arrived in America at the height of the Great Irish Famine, and it is also very likely they knew they were going to West Chester before they left Ireland. The 1850 Census records Peter living with his parents in the town at that date, and most of the other Finnegans were already in place at that date. (14)

Aside from the Finnegans mentioned in Peter’s letter, the other named individuals also serve to provide us with an insight into Irish life in America. The overwhelming majority of them were Irish-born, indicating that the Irish in West Chester formed a distinct close-knit community in this period. The Willie Kerns who Peter chastised in his letter was Pennsylvania-born, but his father William (a day-laborer) and mother Mary were of Irish birth; Tom O’Brian was a Pennsylvania-born clerk, but lived and worked with Peter’s merchant relation James Finnegan; all the James O’Neills recorded in West Chester in 1860 were Irish-born; the Dunleavys were Irish-born; Mrs. Harley was the wife of Peter’s one time employer, who were Irish-born emigrants with a carpet-weaving and bottling business. Ancestry.com lists 4,757 people as having been recorded on the 1860 Census in West Chester. Slightly over 10% of them, some 480 people, were recorded as being born in Ireland, far outnumbering any other emigrant group in the town. It is likely that the addition of the American-born children of Irish emigrants to this number would at least double this overall percentage, making the Irish community of West Chester a very significant minority. (15)

…no more at present but remains your son Peter Finegan

I am the same Pete as I always was and will be till I get shot at missed [?]–

Direct your letter to Fair Fax Court House Virginia Va Washington 116 Reg P.V. Col Dennis Heenan for Peter Finegan Co. K Capt J. O’Neill Commanding

Dont forget write as soon as you get this without delay (16)

The final section of Peter’s letter again hints at the concern his parents expressed at him joining the army. He felt it necessary to reassure them that he was the same person he had always been. Perhaps his parents were not strong supporters of the war, and there is at least a suggestion that they were worried the experience of conflict might change their son. They never did have the chance to find out, as after only three and a half months the four Rebel bullets that buried themselves in Peter’s body on Marye’s Heights ended his life. Today the letter that he left behind from the war that claimed his life, along with those of thousands of other doomed Irish-Americans, offer us a unique opportunity to examine the experiences of those who left Ireland in the greatest emigrant wave ever to depart these shores.

(1) Peter Finegan Dependent Mother’s Pension File; (2) Ibid.; (3) Ibid.; (4) Ibid.; (5) Ibid.; (6) Ibid.; (7) Ibid., 1860 Federal Census; (8) Peter Finegan Dependent Mother’s Pension File; (9) Ibid.; (10) Ibid.; (11) Ibid.; (12) Ibid.; (13) Ibid., 1860 Federal Census, 1850 Federal Census; (14) Peter Finegan Dependent Mother’s Pension File, Philadelphia Passenger Lists, 1850 Federal Census; (15) Peter Finegan Dependent Mother’s Pension File, 1860 Federal Census; (16)Peter Finegan Dependent Mother’s Pension File;

* None of my work on pensions would be possible without the exceptional effort currently taking place in the National Archives to digitize this material and make it available online via Fold3. A team from NARA supported by volunteers are consistently adding to this treasure trove of historical information. To learn more about their work you can watch a video by clicking here.

References & Further Reading

Peter Finegan Dependent Mother’s Pension File WC 138689.

1860 U.S. census, population schedule. NARA microfilm publication M653, 1,438 rolls. Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration. West Chester, Chester, Pennsylvania; Roll: M653_1094. (Original scans accessed via Ancestry.com).

1860 U.S. census, population schedule. NARA microfilm publication M653, 1,438 rolls. Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration.West Bradford, Chester, Pennsylvania; Roll: M653_1091. (Original scans accessed via Ancestry.com).

1860 U.S. census, population schedule. NARA microfilm publication M653, 1,438 rolls. Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration. Phoenixville, Chester, Pennsylvania; Roll: M653_1092. (Original scans accessed via Ancestry.com).

Seventh Census of the United States, 1850; (National Archives Microfilm Publication M432, 1009 rolls); Records of the Bureau of the Census, Record Group 29; National Archives, Washington, D.C.(Original scans accessed via Ancestry.com).

The National Archives at Washington, D.C.; Passenger Lists of Vessels Arriving at Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; Records of the United States Customs Service, 1745-1997; Record Group Number: 36; Series: M425; Roll: 064. (Original scans accessed via Ancestry.com).

Civil War Trust Battle of Fredericksburg Page.

Fredericksburg & Spotsylvania National Military Park.

We live in an age of seemingly incessant and increasingly intrusive advertising. In a world where algorithms monitor our online browsing to offer us individually tailored ads, it is easy to consider opportunistic advertisement as a relatively modern phenomenon. Of course that is not necessarily the case. A review of advertisements from periods like the 1860s demonstrates just how clued in those creating them were to the needs and concerns of their target audience. I decided to take a look at a number of ads aimed specifically at Irish soldiers and their families during the war, largely from the New York Irish-American Weekly. In them we find everything from the practicalities of how to get packages to and from the front to where you could buy presents for the soldier in your life. The 1860s equivalent of “celebrity culture” is represented in the sale of images and memoirs of and by the most popular members of Irish-American society. For the families of those who never came home, solicitors were on hand to offer their services, some with specific reference to recent bloody engagements. Meanwhile, and perhaps most insidiously, the medicine salesmen pulled at the heartstrings of those whose loved ones’ were still alive, by offering remedies for every conceivable ailment connected with military service.

In the 1860s, as now, advertisement was a major source of finance for many newspapers. Each issue of the New York Irish-American Weekly contained large numbers of them, many specifically targeting the Irish community. This ad lists the paper’s advertising rates as published on 8th March 1862.

Shipping to the Front

Getting money and packages safely to and from the front was a major consideration of practically every soldier in the service. In this Harnden Express advertisement  from the New York Irish-American Weekly of 9th May 1863, those with family in the Irish Brigade were specifically targeted.

Another Harnden Express Advertisement, showing the main articles they were willing to transport. New York Irish-American Weekly, 9th April 1862.

The Adams’ Express were unrivalled in their role of getting material to and from the Army of the Potomac, and are mentioned in hundreds of Irish-American letters. This advertisement ran in the New York Irish-American Weekly of 31st January 1863, a few weeks after the Battle of Fredericksburg.

Food, Clothing & Accoutrements

Food, clothing and accoutrements were often the subject of ads. This is a section of an advertisement for Tiffany’s, run in the New York Irish-American Weekly on 3rd January 1863, highlighting their “Military Departmen” where there were many potential “gifts for the Union Soldier.”

Advertisement for Fowler & Griffin of Greenwich Street, highlighting their War Prices for groceries. Advertisement run in the New York Irish-American Weekly, 5th July 1862.

Advertisement for Benedict Brothers of Broadway, suggesting that soldiers provide themselves with an “American Watch” before returning home. Advertisement from the New York Irish-American Weekly, 29th June 1865.

Publications

The concept of commemorative posters or pull-outs was alive and well in the 19th century, and appealing to the celebrity of Irish leaders was big business. This advertisement of an upcoming portrait of Michael Corcoran in the New York Illustrated News ran in the New York Irish-American Weekly on 23rd August 1862.

General Corcoran’s popularity was an opportunity to make money, particularly given the increase in his fame following his capture at First Bull Run and subsequent imprisonment. Following his release, his account of his time in Southern prison was in huge demand. Advertisement from the New York Irish-American Weekly on 18th July 1863.

This publication targeted both soldiers and those at home who wanted to read accounts of the late battles of the war. It also appeals to the strong support for General McClellan among the Irish-American community by highlighting that each copy contained an “autograph letter” from him. Advertisement from the New York Irish-American Weekly of 9th May 1863.

Death & Entitlements

From the summer of 1862 onwards both disabled veterans and the widows and dependents of deceased soldiers became eligible for U.S. pensions. In addition family often needed to access back-pay and bounties to which they were entitled. This became major business for solicitors, who took to running advertisements offering their services to the bereaved. This ad for R.S. Davis of Louisiana Avenue was specifically targeting Irish New Yorkers who had lost loved ones at the Second Battle of Bull Run, fought a few weeks previously. New York Irish-American Weekly, 22nd November 1862.

The U.S. Army Agency at 64 Bleeker Street must have been a busy place. This advertisement from the New York Irish-American Weekly of 20th August 1864 instructed people how they could go about lodging their claims.

The entitlement to pensions based on Civil War service was not restricted to the Irish in America. There were also opportunities for the legal profession in Ireland as a result of the war. This advertisement for R.H. O’Bryan of Queenstown (now Cobh) in Co. Cork is testament to the number of families in Ireland who lost loved ones during the conflict. The Waterford News, 24th April 1863.

Medicines

Throughout the war all sorts of remedies were offered for the assistance of soldier’s at the front. The majority almost certainly provided little benefit. A popular ad targeting not only the soldier’s but their loved ones at home was for Loway’s Pills, which offered to stave of the impact of sickness in the army. This advertisement ran in the New York Irish-American on 31st May 1862.

Another advertisement expounds the benefits of Loway’s Pills for the troops, this time from the New York Irish-American of 18th July 1863.

A rival to Loway’s was “Radway’s Ready Relief.” This ad from the New York Irish-American Weekly of 4th April 1863 was specifically targeting those with “friends in the army” so that they might buy their product and thus “protect soldiers against sickness.”

Holloway’s- Masters of Advertising

Off all the remedies on offer during this period, none rivalled the success of Holloway’s. The company, established in Britain by Thomas Holloway, became famous for driving their sales through advertisement and endorsements. Holloway himself became an extremely wealthy man as a result (money he bequeathed in his will led to the establishment of Royal Holloway College in London). They ran dozens of advertisements through the war in newspapers like the New York Irish-American, offering their product as a cure for every imaginable soldierly-related ailment. This from the Irish-American of 31st October 1863.

Holloway’s Ointment & Pills, the “Soldier’s True Friend,” New York, 1862 (Library of Congress)

This example of a Holloway’s ad, from the Irish-American of 21st February 1863, warns young men considering a soldiery life not to do so without a box of Holloway’s Pills.

Providing endorsements from soldiers was a favourite strategy of Holloway’s in their advertising. They also sought to exploit interest in goings-on from the front. This ad from the Irish-American of 17th May 1862 brings news from Yorktown on the Virginia Peninsula. The “T. Hanley” of the 9th New York Cavalry, who endorsed the pills, was a real soldier, Timothy Hanley, who ended the war as Lieutenant-Colonel (Click to Enlarge).

Another endorsement of Holloway’s Pills from an officer of the 9th Cavalry, who appear to have been particular fans of the remedy! From the New York Irish-American Weekly, 1863.

In their extensive ads, Holloway’s would claim the pills were beneficial for everything imaginable, even bullet and bayonet wounds. New York Irish-American Weekly, 31st October 1863.

Another extract from the Holloway’s advertisement aimed at the troops and their families from the Irish-American in 1863. Diarrhoea, dysentry, scurvy, sores and scorfulous eruptions all fall at the feet of this miracle cure.

The impact of Holloway’s Pills on “coughs and colds affecting troops”, New York Irish American Weekly, 31st October 1863.

In one of the few references to veneral disease from the New York Irish-American– here referred to as “indiscretions of youth”- Holloway’s recommend a combination of their pills and ointment to ensure success. New York Irish-American Weekly, 4th February 1864.

References

New York Irish-American Weekly

Waterford News

The Irish Brigade is rightly regarded as one of the finest units to take the field during the American Civil War. However, just like all other Union formations, they had their ups and down in battle, and like other formations, they suffered from desertion. In order to examine this in further detail I have taken the Brigade’s 63rd New York Infantry as a case study, compiling desertion data on the 1,528 men who served in the regiment during the conflict. In the first of a series of posts, I have prepared a number of charts that explore different aspects of desertion in the 63rd. Included among them are the monthly desertions rates in the regiment through the war, with a daily focus on desertion in 1861. Also examined are the locations of desertions, and finally a comparative look at the ages of all the men in the 63rd relative to the ages of those who deserted. 

The data on which these charts are based was drawn from the New York Adjutant General roster of the 63rd New York Infantry. Of the 1,528 men listed as serving in the regiment, 368 are recorded as having deserted during the conflict, for a total desertion rate of 24%. The first chart represents the numbers of desertions in the 63rd by month throughout their war service. To examine each of these charts in detail click on the images to enlarge them.

Monthly desertion rate in the 63rd New York Infantry, Irish Brigade, from 1861 to 1865– Click to enlarge (Damian Shiels)

What is immediately noticeable is that the overwhelming majority of desertions from the 63rd New York Infantry took place in 1861, before the regiment had seen any active service. The other peaks in desertion were August-September 1862, January 1863, September-October 1863 (these are the only five months outside of 1861 that saw double-figure desertions) and to a lesser extent January-February 1864. There are a number of things to bear in mind when looking at this data. The first is one of scale and proportionality. The 63rd New York was a full-size regiment of nearly 1,000 men in late 1861, yet brought only 75 men into battle at Gettysburg in July 1863. The regiment’s numbers would rise once more in 1864 but would be quickly depleted again. It is nonetheless interesting to note how desertion rates appear to flatten out through 1864 and 1865, at a time when overall desertion averages in the Union army were on the rise. The other point to note is that not all desertions from the regiment actually occurred with the regiment, as will be explored in one of the charts below. Nonetheless, the 1861 figures in particular are interesting, and deserve further examination. The next chart examines desertions by day in the 63rd through 1861– again, click on the image to enlarge it an explore the data in more detail. (1)

Daily desertion rate in the 63rd New York, Irish Brigade for 1861– Click to enlarge (Damian Shiels)

Desertion was fundamentally an act that relied upon opportunity. There were large portions of a regiment’s service where it was difficult for men to desert, particularly if their intent was to go home (as opposed to deserting to the enemy). The best time to desert– for men who were so inclined– was when in camp and close to good lines of communication. Better again was to desert before you ever left home, which is what the majority of those who fled from the 63rd New York chose to do. It is interesting to note that despite the fanfare, pride and patriotism that was a hallmark of the formation of the Irish Brigade in 1861, large numbers of men quickly decided that service in the unit wasn’t for them.

As noted above, 1861 was by far and away the worst year for desertion from the 63rd. There are undoubtedly numerous reasons for this; many men likely found that military life was much more disciplinarian and structured than they had anticipated, while others may have taken the decision to depart due to issues with their officers or comrades. It is instructive to examine the data in closer detail. 156 men deserted the regiment between August and September 1861, with 73 of them in November alone. To put this in perspective, the closest subsequent desertion rates would come to the November 1861 figures was in October 1863, when 25 men deserted. Why was November so bad? One reason was undoubtedly disenchantment. The New York Irish-American reported that at the time there was ‘a good deal of discontent’ among the men of the regiment on their base at David’s Island, because of an ‘unaccountable delay in paying off the men.’ Whatever a soldier’s motivation for enlistment, if they were not getting money with which to provide for themselves or their family, they were going to be more reluctant to stay in service. A closer look at the data also reveals another reason behind the high November figures. The 28th November 1861 was the 63rd New York’s worst day of the war for desertion, when no fewer than 15 men departed. Why? The 28th November was the day the 63rd left New York for the seat of war. When it came to it, some of the men were not willing to leave New York. (2)

Desertions by State location in the 63rd New York, Irish Brigade- Click to enlarge (Damian Shiels)

The third chart (above) examines the locations of desertions, organised by State (click the image to enlarge). As pointed out, opportunity was a major factor in desertion, and it is no surprise that the vast bulk of men departed from New York. Though some left while recuperating from wounds or on furlough, the majority of New York deserters after 1861 were new recruits, who only had time to be entered on the rolls before leaving, and so never actually saw active service with the regiment at the front.

Desertions by age in the 63rd New York, Irish Brigade– Click to enlarge (Damian Shiels)

Some men deserted because they didn’t like the military life, some because of erratic pay, others because they were no longer able to endure the horrors of conflict. As we have seen in a number of pension files, many men were also put under considerable pressure to desert by those at home, be they dependent parents or wives and children. With that in mind we might expect to see a higher proportion of men of likely married age departing the ranks. The fourth chart (above) looks at the ages of 63rd New York deserters, showing a concentration among those aged between 17 and 28. However, to examine any potential significance in this data it is necessary to also have information on the relative ages of all the men of the regiment, which is the purpose of the fifth chart (below).

63rd New York Regiment by Age– Click to enlarge (Damian Shiels)

The above chart illustrates the ages of all the men who served in the 63rd New York Infantry on enlistment. This chart is of course of significant interest in and of itself; the largest age group we see for soldiers in the regiment is the 26 to 28 bracket, with the majority of soldiers who served in the 63rd during the war aged between 17 and 28. It is nonetheless of note just how many of the regiment were aged between 29 and 44. When the age range of the entire regiment is compared with the age range of those who are known to have deserted, it seems to indicate no distinctions between age-groups when it came to likelihood to desert. To further examine this, we can look at the same data expressed as percentages, as has been done below.

63rd New York soldiers by Age expressed as a percentage– Click to enlarge (Damian Shiels)

This pie chart (above) shows the ages of all the men of the 63rd New York on enlistment expressed as percentages. It excludes those for whom no age was stated in the Adjutant-General report. 59% of those for whom we have figures were aged between 17 and 28. The remainder of the regiment were over this age. The pie chart below shows the deserter age groups as percentages (again excluding those for whom no age was stated). There is a remarkable correlation between the two, indicating that in the 63rd New York at least, age cannot be taken as an indicator of likelihood to desert, and those who were more likely to be married do not appear to have deserted at an appreciably higher rate than those who were not.

63rd New York Deserters by age expressed as a percentage– Click to enlarge (Damian Shiels)

Almost one in four of all the soldiers who served in the 63rd New York Regiment of the Irish Brigade deserted during the American Civil War. The next post will drill further into the data to look at some specific examples and trends, such as the desertion rates of early war volunteers when compared with those who volunteered or were drafted in later years; the men who deserted during battle and campaigns, and those who took the decision to leave having been wounded.

(1) Lonn 1998, 152, 233-235; (2) New York Irish American 7th December 1861;

References

New York Irish American 7th December 1861. Departure of the 3d Irish Regiment, 63rd N.Y.S.V.

Adjutant-General 1901. Annual Report of the Adjutant-General of the State of New York for the Year 1901.

Lonn, Ella 1998. Desertion During the Civil War. 

Last week I had a conversation with Dr. Keith Harris who runs The Rogue Historian website and podcast. Keith will be known to many readers for his very well-received book Across the Bloody Chasm: The Culture of Commemoration among Civil War Veterans published by LSU Press. We spent what was for me a Cork evening and for Keith an L.A. late morning having a very enjoyable discussion about all things Irish and the American Civil War. Keith’s podcast is now available from his website, and you can listen by clicking here. Among the topics we cover are archaeology, pension records as a source for the emigrant experience, Irish commitment to the Union, Irish attitudes towards slavery and emancipation, Irish memory of emigration, and even what film and book I recommend! Hope you enjoy listening.

Friend of the site Catherine Bateson of the University of Edinburgh has previously contributed a guest post on her work relating to Irish Songs in the American Civil War. I am delighted to welcome her back, this time to share some research she has carried out on the fascinating letters of Daniel Crowley, a young Cork man who served in the 28th Massachusetts Infantry of the Irish Brigade. In the first of three posts examining Crowley’s correspondence, Catherine explores the grim change in the tone of the soldier’s letters as he becomes exposed to the horrors of the 1864 Overland Campaign. 

While conducting doctoral research on Irish American Civil War songs and their dissemination in Boston last summer, I came across a fairly unique letter written on specially produced writing paper that had a song sheet printed on one side. The letter had been sent in December 1864 by Irish soldier Daniel Crowley while serving with the 28th Massachusetts, one of twenty or so letters of correspondence between Crowley and his friend Cornelius Flynn. After analysing the song-letter, I couldn’t help but look through the rest of the correspondence to see what comments Crowley had to offer about his wartime experiences – the result was a detailed depiction of the Civil War’s emotional toll on a new recruit, and offers a very personal experience of life in the 28th Massachusetts and the dying days of the Irish Brigade in the final year of the conflict. Crowley’s commentary is an important Irish American Civil War archive discovery and his story is worth sharing in greater detail.

Details of Daniel Crowley’s enlistment (NARA/Fold3)

Writing the first of some twenty letters to his close friend Cornelius Flynn in March 1864, the Irish-born 28th Massachusetts Regiment solider Daniel Crowley apologised for the quality of his penmanship: “Excuse the scribbling as it is on the floor I am writing”. (1) Crowley was informing Flynn – or “My Dear Con” as he often addressed him – that he had volunteered for Union Army service and explained why he had enlisted into the ranks of the famed Irish Brigade. Noting that while he may have been taken “in a state of intoxication in to some recruiting office” in Boston, Crowley stressed that he had no regrets for suddenly finding himself in uniform: “I am not one bit sorry myself for the change I made”, adding that “I was not getting along to my liking in Marlboro”. Fighting in the war offered the recruit new opportunities, but Crowley was soon to learn that these were fraught with bloodshed.

Crowley resided in Marlboro, now Marlborough, Massachusetts, in the years before the war. Situated west of Boston, the town was the centre to a skilled industrial craft community, specialising in shoe making, and comprised of a migrant population that included a sizeable number of Irish-born and descended residents. Little is known about Crowley’s background or when he immigrated to America; he offers few clues in his correspondence other than suggesting that for him, life in pre-war Marlborough was uneventful. The same could not be said of his year’s worth of service in the Union Army. Enlisting in March 1864, Crowley journeyed with the 28th Massachusetts to New York, New Jersey, Philadelphia, Baltimore and Washington DC., before experiencing his first taste of war on the battlefields of Virginia that spring. During his time in army service between March 1864 and May 1865, his letters to Flynn covered his eyewitness accounts of events at Spotsylvania and Petersburg, alongside other encounters with Confederate troops.

Though few in number, Crowley’s letters offer a deeply personal and emotional insight into his battlefield encounters and wartime attitudes, and provide a later wartime counterpoint to the published letters of fellow 28th Massachusetts soldier Peter Welsh’s experiences and views.(2) Welsh’s letters to his wife stop after his death following the Battle of Spotsylvania in May 1864. This is just the first of the battles Crowley recounts, stating to Flynn that he would not “detail to you the battle which we have been through” as he wrote from the “Battle Field, Spotsylvania County, In front of Rebel Lines”. As such, Crowley provides a fascinating personal and immediate recollection of the conflict’s toll on the final year of the Civil War incarnation of the 28th Massachusetts and the psychological impact its past and current wartime encounters had on a fresh recruit’s experiences at the war’s end.

The Union assault at Spotsylvania by Thure de Thulstrup (Library of Congress)

In his early letters to Flynn, Crowley presents himself as an eager and willing recruit, enjoying new army life. His second letter declared joyfully that he was “in the best of spirits going to the front” as the regiment left Alexandria, reassuring Flynn that “I was never in better spirits”. A few days later in early April he reiterated that he “was never in better spirits than I am at present” as he “close[d] this epistle”. He seemed unconcerned that the regiment “expect to have some hard fighting when we commence”. Several days after this, he noted that he was still “first rate thank God with the exception of a little cold which will wear away in a few days”. Even after his first direct experiences of the war began to take their impact, Crowley reassured Flynn not worry about him. In one passage of correspondence in July 1864, written in response to Flynn reporting how stories had been spreading around Marlborough about why Crowley had volunteered, the latter stressed that Flynn was to inform his hometown: “I am not sorry for enlisting”. Given the impact the war was starting to have on Crowley by this point, this statement points to his resolve to keep putting as fine a gloss on his situation as possible.

By the fifth letter to Flynn, however, Crowley’s high spirits were clearly coming under strain. Writing about his experience of the Battle of Spotsylvania in May 1864, the now-battle hardened recruit ended his account with relief that “Thank God I have not yet received a scratch…I am in good health and spirits thank God after all our endurances”. It was the last time he articulated the positive state of his spirits. A postscript as the bottom of the letter reveals the dawning reality Crowley faced coming through his first battlefield encounter with the Confederacy: “Goodbye”, he added as an afterthought to Flynn, “for I fear I might not write to you again”. With the fighting around Spotsylvania still raging when he wrote this on 19 May 1864, it reveals awareness injury and death could befall him. This letter in particular marked a turning point in Crowley’s correspondence, with his subsequent writings taking a darker, more emotional tone. After stating he would not give too long an account of the battle, he listed to Flynn statistical detail of casualties and losses before describing the nature of the fighting itself: “bayonet to bayonet we made them yield” but his regiment and “this unfortunate Brigade losing heavily…we took their breastworks at the charge, it was only to keep them for a short time”. Despite doing “its own share of hard work”, the Irish Brigade Crowley fought in “were driven out by a superior force”.

What Crowley then witnessed had a vivid impact: “After taking the breastworks creating terrible slaughter in our ranks, heads, legs, and arms flying in all directions”. The young, inexperienced soldier who had been sheltered from the war for three years in Massachusetts experienced a rude awakening at Spotsylvania in May 1864. In his first letter to Flynn, Crowley had described how “the old fellows here” of the 28th Massachusetts, veterans of campaigns at Antietam and Fredericksburg amongst others, “spin some good ones, some tall tales about their escapes from death”. In his pre-military encounter mindset, Crowley was implying that for all their bravery, those 28th Massachusetts and Irish Brigade stories were perhaps embellished and exaggerated to impress a young new recruit. Spotsylvania made him realise those “tall tales” were based in brutal and bloody reality.

National Park Service Historian Beth Parnicza describes pre-dawn events during the Battle of Spotsylvania 150th anniversary realtime tour, 12th May 2014

One month on from Spotsylvania, in June 1864, Crowley wrote of another gruelling encounter. The letter revealed the intensity of continual military skirmishes and attacks around the already war-torn Virginian countryside. This correspondence to Flynn was brief, mostly so Crowley could “hasten to let you know that I am still living, thank God”. Despite saying “I have not much more time to give you any further details of the campaign” and that Flynn would “dare say…see an account of it in the papers before you receive this [letter]”, Crowley still conveyed a sense of the hard fighting he was experiencing:

“This Brigade was ordered to charge on the rebel works…The enemy’s cannon, which was placed on a hill before us, ploughing through our ranks with grape and canister laying many a poor fellow out…Balls were around me as thick as hail…I shall never forget this day if I live to survive this year. Knocking me over and before, after and along side of me as every man ran as fast as his legs could take him, for more than half mile before you go from under their fire”.

The encounter gave Crowley his own tale of escape from death and he repeated his relief at coming through unscathed to Flynn throughout the letter, reassuring his friend, and himself, that he had survived. “Thank God I escaped unhurt…it is miraculous how I escape unhurt,” he stressed. Though as the quote above reveals, Crowley’s sense of living on borrowed battlefield time articulated itself in the throwaway line about not forgetting his wartime encounters if he “live[d] to survive this year”. With six months of 1864 left at the time of his statement, and no sign to him that the fighting would ease or the conflict would end, the growing pessimism established in his Spotsylvania letter postscript developed into a fatalistic sense of humour.

Two weeks later, with more encounters behind him, Crowley abandoned revealing the horrific sights he had witness, commenting despondently that Flynn “will see full accounts in the papers, there is no use saying any more”. As had become his habit though, Flynn did have more to add. Despite it being a far briefer comment than his other battlefield descriptions, the impact of his grim letter image would have alarmed Flynn as much as it still shocks today. “I am so well accustomed to it now”, Crowley commented, referring to the realities and brutalities of warfare; “I don’t care about dancing on the bodies of dead men and [the] fact we have to trample on them”. Daniel Crowley’s letters home to Cornelius Flynn track this young 28th Massachusetts soldier’s descent into darkness and numbness in the face of war’s true horror. In just three months, Flynn’s writings had gone from revealing the views of an optimistic and excited recruit to those of a battle-hardened, weary and traumatised veteran of some of the Civil War’s most horrific and relentless encounters. His subsequent letters continued a despondent wartime tale.

The fields over which the Union assault on the Mule Shoe salient took place at Spotsylvania, as dawn breaks on the 150th anniversary of the battle, 12th May 2014 (Damian Shiels)

References & Further Reading

(1) All quotes from Daniel Crowley to Cornelius Flynn are taken from a series of letter correspondence between March 1864 and May 1865, now held in the Boston Athenaeum special collections archive.

(2) Irish Green and Union Blue: The Civil War Letters of Peter Welsh, Colour Sergeant, 28^th Regiment Massachusetts Volunteers, eds., L.F. Kohl & M.C. Richard (New York: Fordham University Press, 1986).

Civil War Trust Battle of Spotsylvania Page

Fredericksburg & Spotsylvania National Military Park

The site welcomes back Catherine Bateson of the University of Edinburgh for the second in her series on the 1864 letters of Cork native Daniel Crowley, who served in the 28th Massachusetts Infantry, Irish Brigade (read the first post here). As the regiment pushes on to Petersburg, Daniel writes home of hand-to-hand combat, on his prospects of survival, and of the circumstances of his enlistment.

Federal line at Petersburg (Library of Congress)

Three months into his time “in Uncle Sams employment” in the 28th Massachusetts, Daniel Crowley’s letters home to his friend Cornelius Flynn in Marlborough, Massachusetts, had developed from the correspondence of an eager young recruit in March 1864, to a weary, battle-hardened soldier by June of that year, scarred by conflict horrors. (1) The tone of his letters reflected this change, as he mixed an increasingly sarcastic, bitter and despondent voice with attempts at dark cheerfulness, still trying to convey to Flynn that all was well. While the 28th Massachusetts may have had “some hard times”, and Crowley no longer “cared about dancing on the bodies of dead men” as mentioned in the previous post, he also found time to write home for a more light-hearted request. He asked Flynn: “If you can get that old hat of mine from Mrs. Driscoll, fold it up and send it to me…I guess it would be much easier than the cap I wear”. It was a simple appeal, but tainted with the memory of a comment made in an earlier letter about how Crowley had narrowly avoided injury, or worse, after his cap had been shot from his head during one particular skirmish.

By the end of June 1864, Crowley found himself corresponding to Flynn “Before Petersburg”, where the 28th Massachusetts involvement in the siege and sporadic fighting there over the course of the summer months gave him pause to reflect about the wider war, his purpose in the army and, understandably, think about his own mortality and war’s futility. Writing to Flynn on June 30 1864, Crowley opened up again about his near-death experiences and first-hand encounters with Confederate soldiers:

“I had a hard fight myself as I was either a prisoner or a dead man. I had my choice but unfortunately my Irish Blood would not yield and I chanced the latter after Bayonetting one Reb and shooting another. It was a hand to hand affair and believe you me the Johnies are afraid of the steel while it is in an Irishman’s hand”.

For all his fighting Irish pride though, Crowley’s awareness about the battlefield’s diminishing odds returned. Gone were his previous thoughts that Irish Brigade veterans told “tall tales about their escapes from death” as he had told Flynn at the start of his enlistment. Now Crowley realised that his own survival was miraculous and limited. He told his friend fatalistically: “I expect myself I can’t survive much longer after all the narrow escapes I had”.

Union picket at Petersburg (Library of Congress)

This was a similar sentiment to the one expressed in his letters from earlier that month, quoted in the previous post. June 1864 took a dark toll on Crowley’s sense of his own mortality. As with his letter on 19 May with the postscript that acknowledged his fear that he “might not write” again to Flynn, his letter from the end of June made similar reference to the awareness that every line he wrote could well be his last. He ended his correspondence promising to visit and “call to see” Flynn and his family, as well as other friends, “when I go home” but added the caveat “if I live” to make it clear that his hope was diminished. Flynn would have come to the same realisation that readers of these letters today will note – when Crowley stated at the end of this particular letter that “I am the Same Boy yet”, the comment could not have been further from the truth. His encounters after just three months of enlistment and service, and the increasing despair exhibited in his letters, revealed that Daniel Crowley was far from “the Same Boy” who had joined the 28th Massachusetts in March 1864. His optimism had been replaced with war weary pessimism.

Crowley’s 30 June letter to Flynn was the last in which he articulated explicit dark thoughts, but the depression and despondency brought on by his experiences thus far left their mark on the way in which he reported the war and his encounters. It also extended to the way in which he talked about his regiment. He noted to Flynn that due to its heavy losses, while the 28th Massachusetts were still standing the illustrious Irish Brigade that it was part of was on far more unsteady legs. Referring to its origins and establishment by General Thomas Francis Meagher earlier in the war, Crowley lamented that “Tom Meagher and the remnants of his Brigade [were] buried in oblivion” by mid-summer 1864 and that “Our Brigade is broken up…there is no longer an Irish Brigade”. Crowley’s comments to Flynn about the Irish Brigade’s history, and the pride it engendered in its soldiers and the Union Army, are interesting given that he had only been serving in it for barely three months at the point of writing. This reflects a recurring primary source theme in Irish American Civil War studies. The level of affection and devotion the Irish Brigade inspired within the Irish American diaspora and the soldiering community which Crowley was a part of, and Flynn would undoubtedly been aware of, is yet again on display in the former’s comments about his association with the unit.

Crowley had taken on the past glories and history of his regiment and the brigade as part of his own military service. While noting with despair the “oblivion” of the Irish Brigade by June 1864, he proclaimed proudly “Thanks to the Irish Brigade for saving this army from total disaster”. It is hard not to picture the battle hardened new recruit standing with pride in the knowledge that the 28th Massachusetts “still retain the green flag”, the flag that “I will die under”. In a subsequent letter written to Flynn in November 1864, Crowley informed his friend that the 28th Massachusetts “again are in the Irish Brigade” as the unit returned in name only, with no loss in its own sense of honour. Again, Crowley drew on its past histories to explain recent brigade developments, stating in a postscript that the Irish Brigade were to be commanded “by Col. Nugent of the 69th N. York – Lt. Col. of the old 69th of Bull Run fame under Corcoran”.

USCT troops on the line at Petersburg (Library of Congress)

Crowley’s sense of honour about serving in such a famed and noteworthy regiment and brigade was something the young Massachusetts Irishman was very proud of and perhaps explains his bristling when his enlistment was called into question in the second half of 1864. As mentioned in the previous post, Crowley emphasised to Flynn that he was “not sorry for enlisting” and wished for people in Marlborough to know this. He returned to the subject over a couple of letters in July 1864, highlighting how Crowley could not let the matter go without full explanation for the events that took him to a Boston recruiting office several months previously. He claimed to his friend on 8 July 1864, that he had been made to enlist by one “John McCarthy of 108 Federal St., Boston” so that McCarthy could receive “$160 out of it”, which he split with another. Flynn, it would appear through reading the subtext of Crowley’s responses, was being blamed in Marlborough “as being the cause of [Crowley’s] enlisting” and collecting the bounty for his own purposes. The young soldier emphasised this was fundamentally not the case: “No Con”, he said using his affection nickname for Cornelius Flynn, “you often advised me not to, and it was against your consent I done so [enlisted]”. A couple of weeks later, on 22 July 1864, Crowley was still clearly bothered that Flynn was being held to account, defending his friend’s character and conduct by stressing that he “felt greatly annoyed at any person insinuating to you such acts”.

Crowley reiterated his stance that he did not regret the actions that led to his enlistment, nor was he sorry for being in the army despite the mounting psychological toll his involvement was taking. In early August 1864, he wrote to Flynn to state with a sense of ceremony that “I have been made sergeant”, and one month on he wrote “I cannot help doing my duty”. War had become an everyday part of Crowley’s persona. By October 1864 though, another letter from his hometown gave him pause to reassess the realities of war. Flynn had sent a note to his friend, now based around Petersburg, asking, “if I would advise you to enlist”. Crowley was quick with a response:

“I would not advise any person. It’s the task of all for a man to do. I mind this war is not going to end so soon as people think. The Rebs are very far from being whipped yet and God only knows who will live to see the last of it”.

This response to the thought of a close acquaintance enlisting in the Union Army echoes that of Crowley’s fellow 28th Massachusetts solider Peter Welsh, who had written to his recently emigrated brother-in-law in the spring of 1864 to stress “never for heavens sake let a thought of enlisting in this army cross your mind”. (2) Both Irish Brigade soldiers were committed to seeing the war through, but what they had witnessed on the battlefields had both made them resistant to thought they their own loved ones should share the same experience. Experiencing the war through their letters was a close enough encounter.

Soldiers quarters at Petersburg (Library of Congress)

References & Further Reading

(1) All quotes from Daniel Crowley to Cornelius Flynn are taken from a series of letter correspondence between March 1864 and May 1865, now held in the Boston Athenaeum special collections archive.

(2) Peter Welsh to Francis (Frank) Prendergast, April-May 1864, in Irish Green and Union Blue: The Civil War Letters of Peter Welsh, Colour Sergeant, 28th Regiment Massachusetts Volunteers, eds. L.F. Kohl & M.C. Richard (New York: Fordham University Press, 1986), p. 155.

Civil War Trust Battle of Petersburg Page

Petersburg National Battlefield

I am pleased to bring to readers the third and final instalment of Catherine Bateson’s guest posts charting the correspondence of Cork’s Daniel Crowley, who served in the 28th Massachusetts Infantry, Irish Brigade in 1864-5. If you have missed the earlier articles, you can catch up on them here and here. As the protracted operations around Petersburg continued, Daniel wrote home to discuss topics such as the failed assault at the Crater, and to express his views on the upcoming presidential election. He also relates an intriguing encounter with an Irish Confederate between the lines, and tells of the march home, passing former battlefields ‘where the grass grows over a good many Irishmen.’

The Crater as it appeared in 1865, likely the site Daniel referred to as a ‘slaughter pen’ (Photographic History of the Civil War)

The last quarter of Daniel Crowley’s correspondence to his friend Cornelius Flynn, from the second half of 1864 to the end of the war in April 1865, take on a far more factual and wide-ranging focus than his earlier letters quoted in the previous two posts. Gone are the vivid details and recounting of battlefield encounters. Gone too are justifications for why he was fighting and concerns that he would not live out the war. As the 28th Massachusetts remained around Petersburg, Virginia, from the summer of 1864 onwards, Crowley’s letters reveal both a sense of stalemate and how, after just four months or so in army service, he had become a veteran sergeant keen to provide his bitter and weary thoughts on the wider conflict. These final letters offer a personal insight into the mentality of one Union soldier, and while Crowley’s despondency needs to be taken on its own merits, he does provide an interesting view of life inside the remnants of the Irish Brigade and 28th Massachusetts in its final few Civil War months.

The main topic that dominates these final letters to Flynn is the issue of army and government leadership as it stood in the second half 1864. One figure especially made several appearances in Crowley’s letters – General George B. McClellan, the perennial soldiers’ favourite commander whose presence was still felt within Union Army ranks despite the fact he was no longer in charge by this point of the war. According to Crowley,

“The men here don’t want to fight anymore under the present leaders. They say they will lay down their arms and surrender soon than be led by such Damn fools. Sending men to the slaughter pen for nothing…Unless McClellan is sent in command you’ll see no good done here.” (1)

Crowley’s comment on army leadership incompetency was most likely born from him witnessing one of the Battle of Petersburg’s most infamous moments. The letter above was written on 7 August 1864, barely a week after the Battle of the Crater, which resulted after Union troops attempted to blow up sections of Confederate entrenchments only to be killed in the ensuing aftermath. “The slaughter pen” Crowley describes is undoubtedly a reference to that bloody incident which left a mark on those present around Petersburg at the time. Indeed, it often makes an appearance in other Irish American wartime writings. For example, in his Civil War memoir, Irish Brigade chaplain Reverend William Corby noted that the unit, of which Crowley would have been a part, were:

“In the vicinity of the mine on July 30…we witnessed from some great distance the destructive work of death….[and] horrid confusion…Through this breach in the Confederate works the Union troops pushed, but some misunderstanding confusion set in and prevented the successful accomplishment of the well-devised plan”. (2)

This was the “slaughter pen for nothing” Crowley was describing to Flynn. The Crater incident marked the starting point of his more critical attacks on army and administration war plans in the latter half of 1864.

Crowley had never served under McClellan’s command, yet he seems to have adopted the reverence and praise often found within Union ranks for the Army of the Potomac’s controversial former leader. Irish American soldiers were just as supportive of McClellan as their Union Army fellows. The fact that even in the summer of 1864 a still relatively new recruit like Crowley was willing to articulate this belief that McClellan would be better placed back in command is part of another story relating to the General’s contemporary legacy. By September 1864, McClellan’s potential as something even greater than an army commander was raised by Crowley in one of his most intriguing letters to Flynn. At the end of the month he recounted how “a few nights ago” he went out between the Union and Confederate lines around Petersburg, “where it was not more than 100 yards distance, and had a chat with one of them”, meaning a Confederate soldier, thus creating the image of a cross-front line encounter that is predominately lost within Civil War histories despite these occasions happening more frequently than is often remembered.

Democratic Party Poster for the 1864 election supporting McClellan and Pendleton. Daniel was far from alone in expressing his pro-McClellan views (Library of Congress)

This particular Confederate encounter takes on a greater relevance when Crowley discovered that he was talking to a fellow Irishman, and for a short while the conversation it seems returned to matters far away from Virginia:

“I told him we belonged to the Irish Brigade. He said he was an Irishman also and enquired when I left the old land, if I heard from there and how things were looking at present. He expects…we will have a chance of trying our mettle for the old sod.”

After this hint about a future fight of Irish independence, conversation between this Irish Confederate solider and Crowley turned to the 1864 election, with the former stating that “he expects when McClellan is elected President there will be peace and we will all be happy”. Crowley does not dispute this view in this particular letter, merely commenting to Flynn that whatever the outcome by November 1864 “I am sure we will have hot work here before the election comes off”, taking a soldier’s focus that the war was still being fought regardless of the political battles ensuing elsewhere in the country.

Crowley himself later commented to Flynn on his political preference of McClellan in the presidential election’s aftermath. Writing four days after on 12 November 1864, Crowley reveals how the army had yet “received no authentic information so far as to who will be President for the next four years. Some say Lincoln and some say little Mack”. Crowley himself hoped “it’s the latter for the country’s sake”. This echoed the previous sentiment that a McClellan victory would bring peace, though he added a curious afterthought on this particular subject matter. He commented to Flynn that in reality, he did not mind who won the presidency: “Not that I care a great deal for my part as I am rather indifferent on that line”. Given he devoted so much of his correspondence to the issue of army and administration leadership it is hard to believe Crowley was being honest in this indifference, though there is no reaction in subsequent letters to Lincoln’s victory. This particular afterthought could well be a sign yet again of Crowley’s complete disengagement with a world beyond war and military life, which as the other letters have revealed, had become his dominate focus.

November 1864 did bring some light-heartedness in the form of Thanksgiving for the 28th Massachusetts, which Crowley recounted to Flynn in a letter from early December, written on writing paper that contained a printed song, Disbanded O!, on its reverse, an extremely rare example of song dissemination and the printing culture of wartime stationary. Sadly, Crowley offers very little comment on the song, but does offer a glimpse of Thanksgiving celebrations in the Union Army during the American Civil War. However, ever the despondent by this stage of his war’s service, Crowley could not help be sarcastic about the “magnificent thanksgiving dinner” he received – “one turkey between 200 men of the gallant 28th Massachusetts Volunteers”. Perhaps Crowley did not see the irony of this rare dinner treat in relation to the song lyrics on the reverse of his letter. Disbanded O! was a volunteering soldier’s song that had pre-Civil War origins. This 1864 version included lyrics about eating “good rations every day”. Even one turkey for an entire regiment sounds better than the food in one verse:

“To eat the stuff that’s on the table landed…

Sour bread and rotten pork, with a rusty knife and fork,

We would rather have good fare than be disbanded O”.

The interior of Fort Sedgwick, one of the principal Union forts at Petersburg (Library of Congress)

Crowley appears to have either stopped writing to Flynn at the end of 1864 and into early 1865, or the letters have not survived, but by 14 March 1865 he wrote to inform his friend that he was still “Before Petersburg” and now “heartily sick of this life that I wish I were in Jerusalem sometimes”. Sheer war weariness, prolonged sieges and skirmishes, and almost one year’s full service had brought Crowley to his lowest point. This was tinged with the concern that no immediate end to the war kept death an ever-constant companion. “I have with a few others come to the conclusion of being either a free man or a dead one before many days” he philosophised to Flynn. The soldier’s mood, however, had been darkened not just by the war, but also by an encounter with a fellow Irish Brigade soldier belonging to the 88th New York Regiment. This “young man” had brought Crowley “intelligence from the old Country…He belongs to where my father lives”. The news from Ireland was bad: “my mother was buried last August”. His depressed sarcasm reappeared as he reflected on this personal news and loss: “Everything to cheer the drooping spirits of a sick Yankee soldier” he concluded.

A month later, on 25 April 1865, a few weeks after General Lee’s surrender and Lincoln’s assassination, Crowley’s penultimate letter back to his friend in Marlborough offered up this assessment of the war: “The fighting portion of the business is over”. Crowley’s bluntness was extended in his concluding opinion now that war’s end was reached. It was over, “I think. In fact I don’t care whether it is or not”, revealing a significant level of disinterest and numbness to the experiences of his previous twelve months generated from all that he had seen and taken in part in over that time. Even in these relative few short letters to Flynn, Crowley’s mental state and the impact of war on his increasing inability to communicate and situate his surroundings and experiences reflect the internal strain of the Civil War. Against the odds he had given himself, Crowley had survived, and subsequent archive letters from the 1870s suggest he returned to live in Marlborough. Undoubtedly the war’s personal impact on the young Irishman would have left a legacy for the rest of his life.

One other legacy which Crowley came to realise he was a part of, was that of his regiment the 28th Massachusetts and the Irish Brigade to which it belonged. In his final letter to Cornelius Flynn, written in “camp near Alexandria” on 17 May 1865, Crowley described the start of his unit’s journey home. He depicted what he witnessed and returned to the recent past of his famed brigade and the sights of the “tale tales” the veterans mentioned in the first post had told him:

“We passed through Richmond, Fredericksburg and the small towns…Richmond is as you are aware burned…Fredericksburg is almost as bad…I passed through where this Brigade charged under Meagher on the 13 Dec 1862, where the grass grows over a good many Irishmen”.

Given his involvement at engagements around Spotsylvania, Cold Harbor and Petersburg, and his near death encounters during heavy fighting and skirmishes as he detailed in his early letters to Flynn, the fact Crowley did not end up with the ranks of “a good many Irishmen” beneath the Virginian grass would, in his own view perhaps, be nothing short of miraculous, especially as he seemed certain his luck would not hold out. It did, however, and the final comment in his letters to Flynn reveal a sense of relief that his war service was now at end: “I hope to get out of this service as I have about as much of Yankee soldering now as is good for my health”. One can not help but agree with this self-assessment when reading Daniel Crowley’s letters, one example of a 28th Massachusetts soldier and the true realities and mental toll the Civil War took on a young Irish American soldier.

John Burke, 28th Massachusetts Infantry, who died on 6th June 1864 and is buried in Cold Harbor National Cemetery. One of those Daniel referred to when speaking of “where the grass grows over a good many Irishmen” (Damian Shiels)

References

(1) All quotes from Daniel Crowley to Cornelius Flynn are taken from a series of letter correspondence between March 1864 and May 1865, now held in the Boston Athenaeum special collections archive.

(2) William Corby, Memoirs of a chaplain life, by W. Corby, three years in the famous Irish Brigade (Chicago, 1893) p. 253